After Hansen&Treul reported evidence for a substantive finding in a JOP article, Saraceno reproduced the analysis and found inconsistent evidence for different model specifications.
The journal then invited all three authors to team up and work together to check the robustness.
The newly minted team decided that multiple analytical choices are reasonable for six variables, leading in combination to 288 possible models with reasonable analytical specifications.
Running all these models shows significant p-values only in 11% of cases. (The authors also show the size of the coefficients.)
Based on these findings, the new team of original authors and replicators agree "that we should no longer conclude that there is a significant association between the size of the LGB population in a district and the bill sponsorship activity of its representative."😲
Obviously, this strategy is relevant far beyond the study on political representation.
And what I great example of good science this is:
Great to see that someone undertook the work of reproducing an existing study to check its robustness
Great to see the openness of the original authors to check and overturn their earlier conclusion
Great to see a general interest journal initiate all this
A few comments:
Using multiverse analyses to overturn earlier results is spectacular. But that's not their only value.
Instead of showing that we should believe not-X instead of X, sometimes they indicate that we just cannot be so sure of what we know. Which is also valuable.
Also, multiverse analyses may not simply be used to check findings from published studies of other authors but they should and, I believe, will become commonplace to assess the robustness of many of our own findings that we will publish in the future.
Some studies already do this. E.g., Metaketa-@EGAPTweets in analyzing their field experiment. In this vein, it is not entirely correct to state that "this article introduces political scientists to multiverse analysis through an application". advances.sciencemag.org/content/5/7/ea…
A good alternative to multiverse analyses are specification curves which may provide more informational value, particularly when testing thousands of models with many varying variables. philippmasur.de/2020/01/02/how… github.com/hhsievertsen/s…
These tools create huge amounts of information. A great tool is Boba which allows readers to navigate all these models themselves in an interactive appendix.
You can see yourself which variables make a difference
What can you do when an experiment yields null results?
I developed a theory to explain why (some) people derive pleasure from political engagement
14 out of 15 predictions failed
▶️A step-wise process to maximize the informational value of null results doi.org/10.1017/pls.20…
The need-based theory of political motivation in a nutshell:
Building on the ‘Pleasure Principle’, I suspect that people will seek behaviors that made them feel good in the past.
Citizens will therefore seek political engagement when it previously made them feel good.
To understand what actions provide pleasure, I built on the concept of basic psychological needs.
Differences in intrinsic political motivation are theorized to reflect whether political engagement was previously experienced as satisfying basic psychological needs.
WOW 😍
Boba appears a huge leap towards transparent sensitivity analyses in empirical research
▶️easy multiverse analyses
▶️generates code for all reasonable analytical paths
▶️software-independent (R, Python...)
▶️amazing #dataviz arxiv.org/abs/2007.05551
You will write your syntax and specify where two or more analytical choices are reasonable.
Boba will generate the code for all combinations of reasonable choices for you.
Boba is a domain-specific language (and a visual analysis system) so it works software-independent for #Rstats, #Python etc...
Regression analysis with observational data remains the primary analytical method in political science.
However, we will never know whether we controlled for all unobserved confounders.
New sensitivity tools help to assess how likely results are robust to missing controls.
The robustness value (@analisereal,@chadhazlett) applies to multivar. regressions: It is the minimum strength of association that unobserved confounding would need to have, both with the treatment and with the outcome, to change the research conclusions.
V-DEM, potentially the most comprehensive measure on the state of democracy, has published a new report, and the results are staggering.
▶️Hungary is no longer considered a democracy
▶️India is close, too
▶️Now, the majority of people worldwide live in autocracies
(thread)
It is a prime example of how to communicate complex data on important questions:
Accessible language combined with intuitive graphs that help to convey clear messages.
I'll copy key graphs and phrases while reading along.
Assessing "the state of democracy" is hard because the concept is complex and controversial.
But even if conceptual questions were settled, collecting all necessary measures to assess how democratic a country is is a huge undertaking.
People again discuss that certain countries can no longer be considered democracies (Hungary? US?)
Under which conditions do countries qualify as a 'democracy' and what's the alternative category called?
This thread links to a seminal piece on 'electoral authoritarianism'
One line of disagreement is whether to distinguish countries by the *degree* of democratic quality.
While these fine-grained distinctions have value, in his piece Schedler makes the point that "[some] regimes are not less democratic than democracies, but plainly undemocratic."
This raises the question about the essence of what a democracy is.
According to Schedler, having a choice is at the heart of the democratic idea.
Choosing is institutionalized via elections.
However, both plainly democratic and plainly undemocratic countries conduct elections.
In a new study at #APSR, we show how established operationalization strategies of multi-dimensional concepts can systematically lead to wrong conclusions.
Focusing on populist attitudes, we demonstrate simple methods to align theory and measurement.
👇Summary+Preprint+Shiny App
Our (H. Schoen+@ChristianSchim) argument refers to a specific but common type of multi-dimensional concepts which are sometimes called ‘non-compensatory’. Multi-dimensional concepts are non-compensatory when higher values on one component cannot offset lower values on another.
Think of democracy: If we believe that a country only counts as a democracy if it provides both rule of law and free elections then no valid measure of democracy will assign high democracy scores to a country with low 'rule of law' scores even with the election are very,very fair