Today's San Jose ruling that Trump can't exclude undocumented people from the #2020Census is smart. And not just because the panel got the issues right. It makes it MUCH harder for the Supreme Court to do the wrong thing and for Trump to worm out. Let's unpack it 🧵@BrennanCenter
Context: A panel of judges in New York last month ruled that Trump's plan to exclude undocumented people from the #2020Census numbers used for apportionment was illegal under federal statutory law. That case is now on appeal to SCOTUS, scheduled for argument on Nov. 30.
Plus, a baseline to set real quick: It’s going to be exceedingly difficult for SCOTUS--or any court--to rule that what Trump wants to do is legal. And that's regardless of whether SCOTUS has 8 Justices or 9, or who the swing Justice is. Why?
Today’s California decision makes ultra clear what the New York decision already made crystal clear: Trump’s proposal to exclude undocumented people from the #2020Census numbers used to divvy up seats in Congress is unquestionably ILLEGAL.
Trump's plan is contrary to the plain text of the Constitution. It’s contrary to the plain text of several federal statutes. It’s contrary to a continuous, 230-year history of constitutional and legal understanding, across the Founders, Congress, the courts, and the executive.
Today's resounding and detailed loss for the Trump administration is its second such. That puts an even weightier balance on the plaintiffs’ side in these cases.
But there are a couple of other ways--besides increasing the weight of authority--that today’s San Jose opinion will make it harder for SCOTUS to rule for Trump. And make it harder for Trump to worm out of this.
(1)The San Jose panel has issued a constitutional ruling that the New York court avoided. That makes it harder for the SCOTUS to justify ducking the constitutional issue under the pretense that it should allow the lower courts to decide it in the first instance.
(2) The San Jose panel has also shown the flaws with Trump's attempts to say that individuals, local governments, and non-profit organizations haven't suffered harm beyond a chilling effect on census participation. (The main way Trump is trying to kill off the New York appeal.)
San Jose lays those harms out in detail: lost political power, bad data, lost federal funds, etc. All of which are the logical, inevitable, and foreseeable effects of a chilling effect scaring undocumented people away from getting counted. And the NY panel saw these things, too.
Meanwhile, San Jose has made it harder for Trump to evade any bar on his manipulating the count by trying to alter it in a different way than he initially proposed, for instance, by excluding people in ICE detention facilities. Today's opinion clarifies he can't do that, either.
This opinion and its timing suggest that the San Jose panel was watching the developments in the NY case closely. It does a remarkable job shutting off avenues of escape Trump is trying to open up.
A few more observations for the road: The San Jose panel extracts a price from the administration for arguing in the census timelines lawsuit that it MUST deliver apportionment numbers by Dec. 31.
(Full disclosure: I am co-counsel for plaintiffs in that case.)
And the court very quickly rejects the administration's sources for its (specious) historical arguments as "irrelevant"
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So, if your main argument for the citizenship question is that we asked about citizenship before the 1960 Census, you’re relying on a completely flawed census paradigm.
(4) And if you’re relying on the appearance of citizenship questions on the sample surveys from 1970 onward as some kind of stamp of approval for their appearance on the 2020 head count form, you’re also on bad turf.
Citizenship questions have been confined strictly to the sample forms because the Bureau has long recognized that trying to assess everyone’s citizenship in times of hyper-xenophobic, anti-immigrant politics would destroy the count.
It's another day ending in "-day," so of course folks are spreading bad history to protect the #2020Census citizenship question. Claims that these questions have a deep history, etc. are misleading, where they’re not outright FALSE. Why? Stroll with me for a minute or two 👇
Today's revelations about partisan motives behind the citizenship question just expose another layer of its bogusness. In fact, when it comes to the question and the Trump Admin's defense of it, it's been nothing but misdirection and deception, all the way down. Walk with me 👇
Where to start...
(1) The Trump Administration has claimed--in the courts and Congress--that it wanted to add the citizenship question because it would help enforce the Voting Rights Act. Three federal courts have concluded that this claim is FALSE.
Today's win for voters challenging Michigan's gerrymandered election maps is major, potentially ushering in fairer elections in that state. But there are a couple of other reasons this is a major opinion, with SCOTUS implications. Mini-thread 👇@BrennanCenter#fairMaps
1. This win shows just how much the legal tide has turned vs. partisan gerrymandering. As late as 3 years ago, a win for plaintiffs would be unheard of. No longer. Recently, when/where courts have taken up partisan gerrymandering claims, plaintiffs have an impressive win rate.
2. The federal courts are converging on how to analyze partisan gerrymandering claims from a legal standpoint. As the panel in the Michigan case explained:
Well, now the minority staff of the U.S. House Committee on Oversight and Reform has gotten in the game of spreading census history that’s misleading where it’s not outright false. Mini-thread 👇#2020Census@BrennanCenter
I spent the (whole) morning at the Supreme Court for today's North Carolina and Maryland partisan gerrymandering cases. A few observations for @BrennanCenter 👇#FairMaps#ncpol
An optimistic read on the day's proceedings was that the Court was in problem-solving mode. Whether the Court will SOLVE the problem is still an open question--as it is at the end of any argument.