1/ After a recent exchange, here is a thread about the interconnectedness of global and local urban geographies of production and jobs and how they shapes mobility and planning with two Italian examples you never probably heard about : Mirandola and Porretta Terme
2/ The first example is Mirandola, a town of some 20k inhabitants is the flat lands, some 30km North of Modena. You'd probably know it better for being within the production area of both Parmigiano and the Balsamic Vinegar of Modena. But that somehow secondary.
3/The most important thing is that Mirandola is the main center of a cluster of biomedical manufacturing, accounting for more than 1 Bn of annual output, 70% exported, making it the world third largest after Minneapolis and Los Angeles. And that is a city of 20k that looks like⤵️
4/ It's a typical example of manufacturing clusters (distretti industriali), where small and medium size entreprises are horizontally integrated, management is almost informally organized, and labor relationships are less mediated than in large corporations.
5/ This system is rooted in a long collaborative tradition (the corte bracciantile) and many enterprise owners are former workers of molding industries that just went independent in the 1970s, starting a business in a then expanding sector where they can use their molders skills.
6/ When the 2012 earthquake hit this area, the media concentrated mostly on the potential disruption in the food industry, with raising Parmigiano's prices. But the real problem was a short term shortage of biomedical equipment, as factory collapse disrupted global chains
7/ The other example si Porretta Terme, an even smaller town (some 5k) nested in the middle of the Apennines. Well, how can a similar place be "global"? It has all the characteristic of a marginal territory. Well, yes and no
8/ In the outskirts of the city there is the HQ of Pi-Quadro, a leather accessories producer you probably heard about. The story is one of a subcontractor of fashion industries located in an anonymous warehouse in the valley that decided to go independent.
9/ It started in its old location to design its own product. Now they have a new shiny headquarter far from any big global city, from which they design and organize a production chain where leather is produces in Tuscany, assembled in China and sold worldwide
10/ Just-in-time shipping for very high value-to-weight products, like wallets and bags, means that the HQ- logistic center can easily locate in a relatively remote area, since the last 40km from Bologna are nothing in the the long Tuscany-China-Italy-World product chain.
11/ When I visited them back in 2008, they said that the choice of the location was based on proximity to the old site and to the main producers of their leather, Tuscanian tanners, but also to the ease of access to planning authorities
12/ It was much easier to find the right place and to expedite the bureaucratic procedures for the new HQ in Porretta, where the city planner even accompanied them around to evaluate the potential sites, than in a large city like Bologna, where you are just a dossier among others
13/ The consequences for planning are mixed: on one side, this diffused manufacturing sector made for a more geographically distributed wealth in Emilia Romagna, notoriously a region with less centre-periphery dichotomy and a more egalitarian distribution of wealth
14/ On the other side, the dispersed nature of job makes for a much more complicate environment for mass transit. Transit mode share has constantly declined in Emilia-Romagna in the last 3 decades and blue collars account for a very small percentage of transit users
15/ The situation is even worse in Veneto, a region with similar economic patterns but different urban policies, that didn't prevent complete geographic dispersion but, on the contrary, reinforced them.
16/ Those development patterns have consequences for that. Places like Mirandola, low density but compact and with a clear city center, have quite high (in the 10s%) levels of bike commuting despite having little dedicated infrastructures. Bike more than transit is the answer
17/Of course logistic and other mobility needs would call for different solutions. But concentration/density are not the answer for everything when we talk about mobility, as we cannot force job concentration by fiat but we must deal with trends that are out of planners' control
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Geographies of jobs are an important factor that shape cities. The problem with some US-born theories about the evolution of job geographies is that they are too much based on US economic patterns taken as the blueprint of every global trend. They are not.
Aaron Renn's theory works well in the US: a country whose economy is based on large industrial/tertiary corporates, surrounded by a myriad of small service providers. Though, it explains less well urban job geographies in still manufacturing-rich areas, like S-Germany or N-Italy
Not every country went down the same path of completely delocalizing every manufacturing activity out of its borders, keeping the remainder on a lifeline of protectionism (Buy America). Economies are not just more/less advanced, sometimes are simply different. So are their cities
1/ What's in common between the two major urban interventions pictured below, a NA urban freeway and an Italian boulevard? Nothing apparently
Well, not really. Both interventions originated from the same logic of accessibility and resulted in the displacement of poor people
2/ You all know very well the story of US inner-city freeways, the way they were cut through poor, often minority's neighborhoods to increase accessibility of CBDs from the growing white collar suburban sprawl. No need to remind the logic and the results.
3/ Maybe lesser known is the opening of new thoroughfares in existing urban fabric that characterize part of the European urban planning in the second half of the 19th century. Of course, everybody knows Haussmann's Paris
My mainstream socialist roots cause me deep trouble with the idea of transit being framed as a "lifeline" for disadvantaged communities. Why?
Let me be clear: transit cannot and should not be a "soup kitchen". Because soup kitchens are not welfare
There is a foundamental difference between the idea of a modern, universal welfare and charitable actions to "help the poors". Soup kitchens, hospices, etc. are examples of a paternalistic welfare, the king throwing money to the poor, the Christian charity, and the likes.
Forms of redistribution of wealth have existed under any system. Early social housing has been developed as a product of "enlightened" charities with humanitarian goals of poor people's redemption (because we are good Christian people, you know: my wife is in the salvation army)
1/ Yesterday, while writing about a 1888 rail plan for Rome, I qualified the city as a "capital by chance that never quite assumed it's role seriously, at least planning-wise".
Here is the reason why I say that and why Rome is not in a way like other big Western capital cities
2/ First, a bit of history. The Kingdom of Italy came about more rapidly than expected between 1859-61, after Piedmont's war against Austria and the expedition of the Thousands led by Garibaldi that resulted in the annexation of the Kingdom of two Sicilies.
3/ The first capital of Italy in 1861 was Turin, an already established little capital of the tiny but rapidly modernizing state of Piedmont. The city had it's Royal Palace, a small Parliament building, ministries etc., but insufficient for the capital of a much larger country
1/ I'm re-reading one of the great classic of planning literature in Italy, Italo Insolera's "Modern Rome", an urbanistic history of Rome since Napoleon I.
After doing further research I happened upon the never realized railway plan of 1888, a quite bold rail reorganization
2/ Designed by Mazzanti Frontini, it is one of the several grandiose plans to modernize a city that became the capital almost by chance and never quite assumed its role seriously, at least planning-wise. There is no government quarter, no magnificent building for the Parliament.
3/ Since the modern city was already growing toward the Termini station since even before annexation ti Italy in 1870, this plan encourages this growth and propose to demolish Termini station and build a new grandiose building for the Parliament in its place
1/ I keep asking myself why, despite a lot of talking about electric mobility, there aren't more new trolleybus lines around. But there are a few.
The recently opened Rimini's BRT, or better TRT (Trolleybus Rapid Transit) is an interesting experiment in intermediary systems
2/ The city of Rimini (151k inh. and birthplace of Federico Fellini) is the center of a linear urban area of some 350k, that developed along the coastline. It emerged as a major seaside destination during the 1950-60s economic boom. Population can soar to 1M during summer months.
3/ The city already has a 12.2 km mixed traffic trolleybus line, opened in 1939 and connecting Rimini railway station to Riccione, along a boulevard lined with hotels and resorts, very close to the beach. But commercial speed is low and inner areas are poorly served.