The problem with 538's definition of "polling error" goes back to experimental design

That is, does this thing measure what we're saying it does?

In the case of "poll margin - election margin = poll error" they're assuming poll attempts to measure the final outcome. It doesn't!
If you're not a science person, and you're like "what does this mean?" Here's how I break it down

Polls measure *preferences* of decided voters, and *how many* undecided voters. That's it!

Elections, unlike polls, don't include undecideds. This means variables have changed!
Check out these polls from NV, 2018. How about NV-2? Poll is 16-23. Meaning ~61% undecided

Does this poll suggest that Amodei will probably win? Debatable. Does it suggest he'll probably win by about 7? No! Why? It tells us *nothing* about the 61% undecided. (He won 58-42)
According to @FiveThirtyEight's definition of polling error, a 16-23 poll is basically the same as a 43-50 one: +7.

By their definition, a poll that says 16-23 (+7), where the result is 42-58 (+16), represents a nine point polling error. Nine!

Now, why does this matter?
Because @FiveThirtyEight and @NateSilver538 himself still say things like "if there's a polling error the same size as 2016..."

This fundamental misunderstanding of how polls work is bad enough when you're just a stats nerd. But he has a huge platform. He's spreading false info.
It's not as though this is a hard concept: Polls don't attempt to measure how/if undecideds will eventually vote. We all can agree on that.

Yet when you say the poll margin is supposed to measure the election margin (calling the discrepancy an error) you're ignoring undecideds!
It's such a common error in experimental design (and statistical analysis) that there's even a name for it: internally invalid

There's an extraneous factor (undecided voters) NOT attempted to be measured by polls which can cause some or all of the "error" that they've "measured"
So what happens? Ppl probably smarter than me just kind of *accept* this flawed notion that poll margins attempt to predict election margi

They...don't. If I come across as angry or hostile it's just because 538 has a powerful platform to educate and have instead spread misinfo.
As much as I may come across as an a-hole on Twitter (and sometimes I am)

I *really do* care about education, a lot. I think people can understand this stuff - at least the basics.

So when I see very smart people using 538 "poll margin" logic, what should I do? Lol

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More from @RealCarlAllen

26 Oct
Here's my Election Forecast and accompanying map.

I think IA (lean D) GA (lean D) along with TX (lean R) and OH (lean R) will be the closest states. Maybe too close to call on election night

But Biden wins FL, PA, MI and WI by comfortable enough margins that election is called. ImageImage
So some of you know but for those who don't, my background is in sports data.

When it comes to sports betting, it's not good enough to pick the winner, you need to be able to predict the spread too. So let's compare my final vote predictions to those of the top forecasters.
And to clarify:

Election margin - the thing everyone tries to predict - is a function of FORECASTING.

The poll margin - the thing I'm trying to educate people about what it actually means - is not about a forecast. It's about understanding data.

So with that, some charts...
Read 8 tweets
26 Oct
Just a reminder for my friends in forecasting - @jhkersting @gelliottmorris @NateSilver538 @ReedForecasts and I'm really sorry if I missed anyone -

That 2012 is the best comp for 2020.

2016 being most recent, most memorable, makes it *feel* more comparable, but that's a bias.
And while I'm here, I need to issue an apology to @gelliottmorris.

At the beginning of my deep, deep dive into politics/polling, I had a big problem with @TheEconomist Forecast.

He may or may not even remember (and I wasn't *that* big of an a-hole..) but I should elaborate
My beginning of analysis into polling & politics data came from sportsbook odds. I know how sportsbook odds work - and how people normally misunderstand how they work - and based on this I concluded it's more likely pollster/forecasters were wrong than the sportsbooks.
Read 7 tweets
25 Oct
Biden's polling at 49.1% in FL with ~4% undecided.

Trump won FL in 2016 with 49.02%.

Biden's polling at 49.4% in NC with ~4% undecided.

Trump won NC at 49.8% in 2016.

People are seriously underestimating how strong Biden is doing, and how much he's outperforming Hillary.
Not just FL and NC.

Hillary's poll average wasn't above 47% in ANY SWING STATE. None. Do you know how crazy that is?

Biden is polling at 47.6% *IN GEORGIA*
Biden is polling at 47.5% *IN IOWA*

Hillary was polling at 45.1% *IN MAINE*
Hillary was polling at 44.9% *IN MINNESOTA*
Hell, Biden is polling at 47.5% *IN TEXAS*

Hillary was polling at 46.6% *IN VIRGINIA*

Hillary couldn't crack 47% in even the bluest of the swing states.

Her lead was *always* flimsy. To their credit, @FiveThirtyEight's model called that.

But I don't think they understand why
Read 6 tweets
13 Oct
So here I'm going to start a Forecast thread

First up, the general election forecast. This is basically a blended model of my lean-Trump and lean-Biden undecided models, with weight to the lean-Biden because there's evidence to suggest the undecideds - while fewer - will break D
Notably, in this forecast, Biden relatively easily wins the major swing states.

The most contentious states are Iowa, Ohio, Texas, and Georgia with Biden narrowly winning Iowa and Georgia and narrowly losing Iowa and Texas.

Remember, these are just probabilities, not concrete
Put another way, my forecast comes out like this.

I wouldn't be shocked if Trump held Iowa and Georgia, nor if Biden took Ohio and Texas. Beyond that, a close election in NC, PA, or FL? Not really seeing it being closer than 2-3 pts as of now
Read 8 tweets
13 Oct
1/x

Who's ready for an election thread and a (statistically literate) poll analysis & update?

There's an OBSESSION with "what the polls missed" in 2016. If you follow me, you'd know: the polls weren't wrong - people just read them wrong.
2/x

That's part of why @FiveThirtyEight's statistically invalid analysis of

"poll margin - election margin = poll error"

Is so damaging. Not only is it logically and statistically invalid, it leads them/the public to believe the POLLS were wrong when that's likely not true.
3/x

In 2016, Hillary had a decent lead, IF YOU ONLY LOOKED AT MARGIN

But you'll note - this is important -IN NO SWING STATE DID SHE POLL ABOVE 47%

Compare that to 2020

Biden is polling at ABOVE 49% in MI, PA, WI, NH, MN, ME, FL, NC, NV (and above 50% in the first 6 of those)
Read 15 tweets
14 Sep
2012, not 2016, is the best comp for the 2020 Election.

Why? Undecideds.

2016 had an unprecedentedly high number of undecided voters, and polls don't capture whims of undecideds.

Currently, only ~10% of voters fit this category, roughly in line with 2012 numbers. Image
In 2012, Obama polled +/- 1% of 50% in SEVEN swing states (@RealClearNews)

In 2016, Clinton polled +/- 1% of 50% in ZERO swing states

In 2020, Biden is polling +/- 1% if 50% in SIX swing states (@FiveThirtyEight)

Given this & comparable % of undecideds, 2012 is far better comp Image
Why is 50% important? Obviously, the closer a candidate is to 50%, the more insurmountable their lead (i.e. undecideds/other can't swing result).

The more undecideds/other, the more possible it is for them to swing the result.

Which is why 2016 is a bad comp to 2020.
Read 8 tweets

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