The problem with 538's definition of "polling error" goes back to experimental design
That is, does this thing measure what we're saying it does?
In the case of "poll margin - election margin = poll error" they're assuming poll attempts to measure the final outcome. It doesn't!
If you're not a science person, and you're like "what does this mean?" Here's how I break it down
Polls measure *preferences* of decided voters, and *how many* undecided voters. That's it!
Elections, unlike polls, don't include undecideds. This means variables have changed!
Check out these polls from NV, 2018. How about NV-2? Poll is 16-23. Meaning ~61% undecided
Does this poll suggest that Amodei will probably win? Debatable. Does it suggest he'll probably win by about 7? No! Why? It tells us *nothing* about the 61% undecided. (He won 58-42)
According to @FiveThirtyEight's definition of polling error, a 16-23 poll is basically the same as a 43-50 one: +7.
By their definition, a poll that says 16-23 (+7), where the result is 42-58 (+16), represents a nine point polling error. Nine!
Now, why does this matter?
Because @FiveThirtyEight and @NateSilver538 himself still say things like "if there's a polling error the same size as 2016..."
This fundamental misunderstanding of how polls work is bad enough when you're just a stats nerd. But he has a huge platform. He's spreading false info.
It's not as though this is a hard concept: Polls don't attempt to measure how/if undecideds will eventually vote. We all can agree on that.
Yet when you say the poll margin is supposed to measure the election margin (calling the discrepancy an error) you're ignoring undecideds!
It's such a common error in experimental design (and statistical analysis) that there's even a name for it: internally invalid
There's an extraneous factor (undecided voters) NOT attempted to be measured by polls which can cause some or all of the "error" that they've "measured"
So what happens? Ppl probably smarter than me just kind of *accept* this flawed notion that poll margins attempt to predict election margi
They...don't. If I come across as angry or hostile it's just because 538 has a powerful platform to educate and have instead spread misinfo.
As much as I may come across as an a-hole on Twitter (and sometimes I am)
I *really do* care about education, a lot. I think people can understand this stuff - at least the basics.
So when I see very smart people using 538 "poll margin" logic, what should I do? Lol
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
I think IA (lean D) GA (lean D) along with TX (lean R) and OH (lean R) will be the closest states. Maybe too close to call on election night
But Biden wins FL, PA, MI and WI by comfortable enough margins that election is called.
So some of you know but for those who don't, my background is in sports data.
When it comes to sports betting, it's not good enough to pick the winner, you need to be able to predict the spread too. So let's compare my final vote predictions to those of the top forecasters.
And to clarify:
Election margin - the thing everyone tries to predict - is a function of FORECASTING.
The poll margin - the thing I'm trying to educate people about what it actually means - is not about a forecast. It's about understanding data.
And while I'm here, I need to issue an apology to @gelliottmorris.
At the beginning of my deep, deep dive into politics/polling, I had a big problem with @TheEconomist Forecast.
He may or may not even remember (and I wasn't *that* big of an a-hole..) but I should elaborate
My beginning of analysis into polling & politics data came from sportsbook odds. I know how sportsbook odds work - and how people normally misunderstand how they work - and based on this I concluded it's more likely pollster/forecasters were wrong than the sportsbooks.
First up, the general election forecast. This is basically a blended model of my lean-Trump and lean-Biden undecided models, with weight to the lean-Biden because there's evidence to suggest the undecideds - while fewer - will break D
Notably, in this forecast, Biden relatively easily wins the major swing states.
The most contentious states are Iowa, Ohio, Texas, and Georgia with Biden narrowly winning Iowa and Georgia and narrowly losing Iowa and Texas.
Remember, these are just probabilities, not concrete
Put another way, my forecast comes out like this.
I wouldn't be shocked if Trump held Iowa and Georgia, nor if Biden took Ohio and Texas. Beyond that, a close election in NC, PA, or FL? Not really seeing it being closer than 2-3 pts as of now
Who's ready for an election thread and a (statistically literate) poll analysis & update?
There's an OBSESSION with "what the polls missed" in 2016. If you follow me, you'd know: the polls weren't wrong - people just read them wrong.
2/x
That's part of why @FiveThirtyEight's statistically invalid analysis of
"poll margin - election margin = poll error"
Is so damaging. Not only is it logically and statistically invalid, it leads them/the public to believe the POLLS were wrong when that's likely not true.
3/x
In 2016, Hillary had a decent lead, IF YOU ONLY LOOKED AT MARGIN
But you'll note - this is important -IN NO SWING STATE DID SHE POLL ABOVE 47%
Compare that to 2020
Biden is polling at ABOVE 49% in MI, PA, WI, NH, MN, ME, FL, NC, NV (and above 50% in the first 6 of those)