I wonder what the @FiveThirtyEight and RealClearPolitics averages would show if they excluded polls released by Trump's super PAC (Insider Advantage, Susquehanna) and other ideologically skewed firms with suspect methods (Rasmussen, Trafalgar). This is actually a really big deal.
There is good reason to believe that the way house effects and partisan bias adjustments have been calculated in the past — to control for wonky methodologies or campaign internals — aren't enough to control for the several GOP firms that are essentially catering to the right.
There is also a point about incentives here, which is that the polls that Trump's Super PAC choses to release are probably intended to raise money and motivate his base, rather than accurately measure the reason. That's even worse than the raw Ras + Trafalgar bias
In the swing states like MI, PA and FL with a ton of these polls, all this super-GOP-leaning data is probably creating a roughly ~1 bias toward Trump on vote margin, with a slightly large probabilistic shift. That explains a lot of the delta between our model and the others.
It might be obvious by now, but there are a lot of incentives for forecasters post-2016 to WANT to include data that let us implicitly hedge by pushing our models back toward 50-50. But there's a huge data integrity tradeoff here, and I'd rather not pollute my models w crap data.
Another point is that there AREN'T similar pollsters like these on the D side, so the idea that biases will cancel out is silly.

But again, the bigger deal is w house fx, which are 1-2pts for Susq/Insider/Traf/Ras in 538's model but should be more like 6.
(The only dem-leaning pollster with a remotely similar house effect is Y2 Analytics, but that's because they didn't weight by education in a couple of Utah polls earlier this year and also had a really outlier aberrant poll. Nothing with the frequency of these R firms.)

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More from @gelliottmorris

12 Oct
There is a large divide between national and state polls right now, with national poll showing an 11 percentage point advantage for Biden (in two-party %) and state polls hovering around +9.
Our election model is based mostly on the latter — we only really use national polls to fill in the gaps — but I do wonder about what the election would really look like with Biden +11 in state polls too. IA, OH and GA would probably be safely lean D
A 2 point delta nationally is huge in probabilistic terms, esp on election day. It's the difference between FL being 70% Biden and 90%, which might even be enough to push Biden's odds above 95
Read 8 tweets
12 Oct
Vote-switching accounts for 2/3rds of the swing in Democratic margin from 2016 to 2020, according to these figures.

As we found out after the 2018 midterms, the bigger force driving post-Trump electoral change is modest persuasion, rather than huge differential turnout
choice, persuasion -- tomato tomahto, we're saying the same thing
If you include 2016 third-party voters in the vote choice v turnout calculation, the numbers work out to 89% of the Biden-Trump swing being due to switching among 2016 voters.

Which... hmmm where have I seen that number before... ;)

medium.com/@yghitza_48326…
Read 4 tweets
11 Oct
Our model thinks that some of the big swings toward Biden in other models/aggregates is a bit phantom. That's probably bc it relies heavily on state trends (which have been more stable) when data are available and bc of our partisan non-response adjustment projects.economist.com/us-2020-foreca…
I'd be careful with normal polling averages right now. We know that debates tend to cause temporary swings in the polls, and our model is picking up what we'd expect to see under a phantom swings — big movement in rdd and phone polls with smaller changes in partisan-weighted data
You can see the diff bt state and national trends at play in PA: If Biden really was up 10-11 nationally, our model thinks we should be seeing a lot more polls around +9-10, but instead we have a load of +5-8s and a few outliers around +11.
Read 4 tweets
6 Oct
Trump is #actually pretty bad at politics. That's why his (net) approval rating has been historically stable and almost perennially low, and why he will very likely become the country's next elected one-term president (only the fifth since 1900). He's simply not good at this.
Trump's a minority pres who won the White House by drawing an inside straight in a few important states among a declining voting bloc. Since then, he has needed to expand his base to win re-election. But he has only ever catered to it—every time shrinking his electoral prospects.
If Trump wins again, his victory will be attributable in large part to years of trickery and attacks against higher election turnout. The simple fact of today's GOP is that it is a minority party, in power due only to electoral institutions that disproportionately advantage them.
Read 5 tweets
6 Oct
Biden +11 in post-debate poll in Pennsylvania from Monmouth monmouth.edu/polling-instit…
Unlike the CNN poll earlier today, this one shows an increasing Biden margin among a sample that is actually more Republican than their July survey
Hard to overstate how bad polls are for the president right now.
Read 4 tweets
6 Oct
Do you hear that sound? It’s the partisan non-response alarm going off
There can be non-response for vote choice in the 'independent' party category too, so just looking at the sample d/r numbers isn't quite the whole picture.

The +16 is probably a mix of both non-response and normal sampling deviation

If Biden is up by 8-9 like our model says then we would expect to see +16 polls in about one of every 30 samples, so this isn't like earth shatteringly weird
Read 4 tweets

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