1. In the course of our reporting on Trafalgar Group—part of the due diligence we often do while entering polls—we've learned that some of their polling was done for partisan clients that weren't clearly disclosed.
2. This doesn't neatly fit into any of our current policies, although it goes against the transparency that we generally ask of pollsters.
3. It's important to know the sponsor/client for many reasons, including that our averages handle partisan/internal polls slightly differently: fivethirtyeight.com/features/our-n…
4. Therefore, in cases where a firm is doing a substantial amount of polling for partisan sponsors but has not been transparent about which polls are done for which clients, we'll have to go ahead and label all of their polls as partisan.
5. We’ve updated our policy to make this more explicit. But we’ll plan to revisit things after the election. We’ve been pretty relaxed in the past (i.e. not classifying polls as partisan when most others would) and we may need to get stricter. fivethirtyeight.com/features/polls…
6. We're also having to be a bit expedient here because it's four days to the election. There are some further threads—some related to Trafalgar but mostly on more general themes—that we'd like to have time to more fully think thru and report out.
7. But to repeat: what we know now is a handful of Trafalgar polls were released without any initial indication of a partisan sponsor, when there had been one.
8. One of these cases came to our attention in a (friendly) conversation with Robert Cahaly, Trafalgar's CEO. They have been helpful with some things and we know they're very busy right now, so we appreciate their time.
9. Having resolved this, we've also added a backlog of Trafalgar polls that were conducted over the past few days to our averages.
10. Adding those (and marking past Trafalgar polls as R partisan) turned out to make no difference. Biden’s chances were 89 percent before and 89 percent afterward, while Democrats’ Senate chances were essentially unchanged (77.5 percent vs 77.1). Have a good Friday night, all.
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* Presumably we'll get some YouGov/CBS in 10 minutes here.
* Emerson's releasing polling all day.
* Monmouth in PA.
* Rumors of another round of Fox News state polls, though I'm not 100% sure about those.
* NBC/Marist hasn't released a PA poll this round so that may be coming.
* Presumably Quinnipiac has something up its sleeve?
* A handful of one-off state polls from local universities/newspapers may weigh in again, but they can be budget-constrained and timing hard to predict.
* Morning Consult has mostly been keeping its state polls paywalled, don't know if we'll get something public.
* Maybe one more round of Ipsos state polls?
Of course we'll get weird/random stuff too, a lot of which will probably herd, but this is ~the list of polls I care about.
I'm not sure that some of these early-voting comparisons to 2016 make a ton of sense given that much of Biden's edge is thought to come from independents breaking his way, and early voting statistics won't capture that.
For example, Biden lost independents by 13 points in Nevada in 2016, per the exit poll there. This year, he leads them by 3 points, in an average of the last 6 polls of the state. That amounts to a net 6 point swing to Biden.
In many state/national polls, Biden also gets a slightly higher share of Republicans than Trump does of Democrats. In Nevada polls, for instance, Trump gets 6% of Democrats but Biden gets 9% of Republicans. That's amounts to about a 2 point swing to Biden vs. 2016.
I would note that the gap is a little bit narrower in our *forecast*: Biden +5.1 in Pennsylvania vs. +7.8 in the national popular vote. projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2020-election-…
Why is Biden +9.1 in our national poll average but +7.8 in our forecast?
* The forecast still assumes just a teensy bit of tightening (about 0.4 points toward Trump)
* The forecast is mostly based on state polls, which have been more consistent with an ~8 point lead than 9-10.
Why this state/national poll gap exists is an interesting question. Also there have been points in the year where it seemed to run in the opposite direction, e.g. before the first debate, our model thought Biden led by ~8 points from state polls vs. a ~7 point national poll lead.
I think there are basically 3 groups of polls that herd.
1) Some (certainly not most or all) online or IVR polls with crappy raw data seem to look to live-caller polls for guidance. They tend to stay pretty close to the averages throughout the year.
2. Some partisan and quasi-partisan pollsters seem to play a lot of games with the 538 and RCP averages. They don't want to stray *too* far from the average, but they'll often show results that are like the 538 or RCP average shifted by 2 points toward their side.
3. Some high-prestige academic and media pollsters may be scared to publish a perceived outlier very late in the race, when they think it could hurt their reputation. For most of the year, these pollsters are the ones you trust NOT to herd. But sometimes their final polls are 🤔.
I don't think it's really worth talking about individual polls from firms that have a poor track record and I wouldn't particularly trust to act in good faith.
And it's really the good faith part that matters. A firm that has a middling track record but I can trust to do honest work ... at least you can get some sense of direction from the poll. Different when the pollster seems to be engaged in a game to manipulate the media narrative.
Usually, manipulating the media narrative is what (some) partisan pollsters do. We include partisan polls in our averages but they're handled differently and weighed less. But there's a gray zone of firms that act like partisans even though they technically aren't by our rules.
Hey folks, our national polling average is now Biden +9.2, as compared with Biden +9.7 yesterday. What caused the change given that the national tracking polls were decent for Biden this AM? It's older polls dropping out of the average.
Following major events like debates, our average shifts forward the window of time that it considers, and more recent polls have indeed been more consistent with a Biden lead of about 9 points nationally; haven't seen as many of those Biden +14s lately.
It's not perfect, and we'll probably tinker with these mechanics post-2020, but keep in mind that our averages are really a blend of an RCP style average over a fixed window of time (where this sort of thing happens a lot) and a HuffPost/Pollster style trendline.