Maybe the El Paso Sector meant that there was a 64% reduction in families crossing the border illegally?
Except no, again, that's ALSO not true. Family units apprehended at the border in the El Paso sector went up during the Pilot Project.
Maybe the after-action report meant there was a 64% reduction in overall apprehensions during that period, even if not at the El Paso Sector?
Well, again, no, that's just not true.
Maybe they mean that the El Paso Sector had a 64% lower-than-expected growth compared to their projections?
Well, there's no way to know that. Compared to other sectors over the pilot project, El Paso apprehensions did grow the second-slowest. But Laredo actually went *down.*
So we're left with the El Paso sector apparently falsely reporting a drop in apprehensions due to a "pilot project" of family separation, which the White House then seized on and used to expand the policy of ripping children from their parents' arms across the border.
Of course, there's no reason to suspect a pilot project COULD cause any difference. Why? Because it was a secret!
How can a secret program to separate families deter anyone? How would anyone even know about it?!
From the very beginning it was stupid and heartless cruelty.
It turns out @DLind had long ago debunked this ridiculous 64% statistic! It was a comparison between October 2016 and October 2017—an absurd statistic to use, given the “Trump effect” had both spurred migration before his election and suppressed it after.
!! Incredible FOIA victory from @DMRS_ElPaso, obtaining key operational documents from MPP’s early rollout, including this memo from Chad Wolf—then acting head of Office of Strategy—concluding that MPP wouldn’t have any singular effect on migration flows. dmrs-ep.org/dmrs-vs-ice-fo…
There’s also this memo from May 2019, previously reported on but never released publicly, where the decision is made to create tent courts along the border and where EOIR admits backlogs are massively growing and resolving all MPP cases timely would require 1/3 of all judges.
Here are talking points for a meeting attended by every major immigration person at DHS.
“MPP is a priority for this Administration, and we must do everything in our power to implement and expand it.”
ZERO mention of concerns about dangers in Mexico for people subject to MPP.
The District Court's opinion vacating the public charge rule acknowledges that the 7th Circuit's opinion upholding its preliminary injunction controls the issue and requires it to enter summary judgement in favor of the plaintiffs. So there's no new legal analysis on the merits.
The government tried to get the District Court to limit relief only to the plaintiff, Cook County. The District Court disagreed, finding that vacating a rule in its entirety is the appropriate remedy under the Administrative Procedure Act, and it isn't a nationwide injunction.
The question from @RepJerryNadler to Nielsen asked about reducing CBP capacity "to process X number of people" per day, and @DHSOIG reveals that Nielsen not only knew that "X = 650," she personally signed off on those policies herself five months earlier.
The @HouseJudiciary report also sheds more light on the fact that family separation was the goal of the Trump administration from Day One.
High-level administration officials met to begin planning separations within a month of Trump taking office, and floated plans to CNN.
Within six months of taking office, the Trump administration had begun a family separation "pilot project" in El Paso.
Despite separating 281 families during a four-month period, the Trump administration never disclosed the project to the agency in charge of childrens' shelters.
- 283 children whose parents have not been found.
- 187 children whose parents have been found, but who have not been successfully contacted.
- 75 children whose parents have not been found, but telephonic outreach is expected to be successful.
The status report from today makes clear that this claim from Miles Taylor is completely wrong.
283 children remain whose parents, after “time-consuming and arduous on-the-ground searches,” cannot be found and for whom telephonic outreach is not expected be successful.
Setting aside that @MilesTaylorUSA misunderstood what today’s story was about, I want to talk about this a little more, though, because it reflects a narrative that people at DHS often used at the time reunification began—that many parents willingly gave up their kids.
NEW! The criminal bars to asylum proposed in December 2019 are finally here.
The rule will impose sweeping new asylum bans for people convicted of misdemeanor crimes as minor as using a fake ID—something millions of American college students do every day. public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2020-23159.pdf
The new criminal bars to asylum, which include not only minor misdemeanor crimes, but even situations where an immigration judge "has reason to believe" someone committed domestic violence—even if never arrested or convicted—will go into effect 30 days from tomorrow: November 20.
DHS/EOIR acknowledge that this new asylum bar—based an immigration judge having "reason to believe" an applicant has ever committed domestic battery—doesn't even require an arrest.
Immigration attorneys better prepare for mini trials, and start exercising subpoena authority.