One silver lining of this year’s smaller Thanksgivings is the opportunity to try out recipes you might not if you were feeding twelve people. Here are my herb-rubbed racks of veal, going in the fridge to rest before roasting this afternoon.
That’s this recipe, though I think I’m going to roast slowly on 250 and then crank up the heat at the end to brown instead of browning first. foodandwine.com/recipes/roaste…
Veal rib roast with pan gravy, green beans with garlic and thyme, Ina Garten’s savory bread pudding with apple and herbs, and cranberry pepper relish.
The roast left more salt behind in the pan than I anticipated, but still made for a lovely pan sauce after augmenting with shallots, olive oil, sherry, chicken stock, thyme, cream, lemon juice and — my favorite pan sauce balancing tool — maple syrup.
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5-4 but if you read the Chief’s dissent it sounds like it could well be 6-3 in the event that New York sought to reimpose the restrictions in dispute (which were lifted for now due to improving COVID conditions in the relevant neighborhoods)
The plaintiffs here have a point about these restrictions not being neutral— certainly in secular contexts, liberals have tended to notice how arbitrarily some risk activities are permitted and others prohibited— and governments may need to think on how to draw more neutral ones.
For example, there are certain aspects of religious ceremonies, like singing indoors, that pose particular risk and could be prohibited in secular and religious contexts. And houses of worship can be subjected to capacity limits in line with secular institutions.
Other things: Many voters were confused by New York's unusual fusion voting system, where both Biden and Trump appeared on two different ballot lines. If you vote for the same candidate twice, your vote DOES count, for the party that appears leftmost (D for Biden, R for Trump)
But if a voter does that, the ballot scanner nonetheless flags it as an overvote. And because you shouldn't ask the voter exactly how they overvoted or discuss their intent, we just had to send them to spoil their ballots and get new ones to mark only once.
Feels like New York -- which has a new, extremely convoluted, possibly about-to-be-amended, and maybe circumventable commission-based redistricting process -- isn't getting enough attention in the discussions of how redistricting will affect 2022.
For decades, New York's districts have been drawn as bipartisan, incumbent-protection plans. If Democrats can wrest full control of the process, they could draw a significantly more favorable map for themselves.
The wrangling over this in Albany is going to be extremely complex and I can't really figure out what result is likely, but it's something I'd read a long reported piece about ;)
While 2022 is likely to be tough for Dems, I think there's one area of upside that's being underrated -- this year, Dems are winning the national popular vote by a slim margin and thus barely winning the House. People talk like Dems have maxed out their vote share.
What Dems need to do in 2022 is what they did in 2018: Win the House NPV decisively. Obviously that's hard in a midterm year where you have the WH, but probably easier when you're not running on a big unpopular entitlement change, as ruling parties did in '94/'06/'10/'18.
The last first-term midterm where a president sought re-election while presiding over a divided congress was 2002, and that president's party gained seats. Obviously special circumstances, but the circumstances in 2022 may be pretty special too, with COVID waning & fast growth.
I think this is right. A lot of tax provisions in TCJA and CARES that Republicans care about are set to expire soon. This is likely to be a key driver of agreements on economic legislation in a divided government.
The key stuff that will come up in the short term is on business taxation: businesses will start to get less favorable tax treatment for capital investments, and GOP will want to improve that. This is business tax relief about which Dems are relatively comfortable, too.