My own take for why this is a problem has to do less with the abilities of any particular SecDef or fears about the increasing politicization of the military and more to do with long-term norms about control and direction. 1/14
There is a trap and it is relatively easy to slide into where the normative assumption (among the public and elites) is that civilian leaders ought not interfere with military leaders due to the latter's superior expertise. 2/14
That risk is particularly acute in a society which generally assigns high moral qualities to service personnel and low moral qualities to politicians (as we do). There is already a lot of 'if only the politicians would let the generals do the job' popular discourse. 3/14
The thing is, states where the military has effectively insulated itself from civilian control have pretty consistent records of awful decision-making. The classic examples of this are Germany, 1871-1919 and Japan 1920-1945. 4/14
The thing is, civilian leaders have a very different job then military ones. As Clausewitz notes (drink!) the political leaders manage the 'when/why' of war (the political object) whereas the military leaders manage the 'how' of war (dealing with friction, etc.). 5/14
Clausewitz is quite clear that there is subordination between these elements and that the political object is supreme - that's the significance of 'war is policy by other means.' 6/14
But the creation of a norm whereby the only people fit to make military decisions are military people fosters an independence of military leaders from civilian direction and thus tends to prioritize the 'how' over the 'why/when' to disastrous effect. 7/14
That's how you get military leaders backing Germany into a war with France because in 1914 because their plan didn't allow for anything else - they let the 'how' of winning the war dictate the 'why' - 'why fight France' - because that was the how-plan! 8/14
Likewise, thinking within the IJN prior to 1941 became so focused on the 'how' of defeating the USN that it eclipsed the 'why' of fighting the USN (there was no good 'why' because such a war was fundamentally unwinnable). 9/14
Consequently, the IJN precipitated a war with a surprise attack that made the only possible victory scenario - a limited war with limited public support in the USA - impossible and replaced it with the nightmare scenario of a war of annihilation with a much stronger foe. 10/14
It is an irony that deserves to be better known, but countries where 'war is too serious to be left to the military' (in Clemenceau's famous quip), while they have suffered from political meddling, in the long run generally have better leadership. 11/14
Now, is Biden's choice of Lloyd Austin the tipping point on this road? No, probably not. Biden himself is an old foreign policy hand. I don't think anyone expects him to defer to the brass on major questions about using force. 12/14
But a future president - with less foreign policy experience - might! And avoiding setting that norm is exactly why the response to this has been so mixed, even though Austin is clearly very qualified. It's why doing this requires an act of congress to get the waiver. 13/14
And that is why the eggheads are bothered by this choice, esp since it is a 2-in-a-row where the first SecDef of an administration is military, which appears to be codifying a norm.
We don't want that norm. Biden should, frankly, think hard and make another decision end/14
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It's time for a long twitter thread on the nature and limits of the evidence for the ancient world!
As you may be aware, compared to even something like the European Middle Ages (much less the modern period) the evidence for the ancient world is really very limited!
1/lots
Because the evidence for the ancient world is so limited, it is often necessary when writing narrative histories for regular people to scaffold around known facts to fill in some of the blanks.
Obviously this has risks and good scholars signal when they are doing it. 2/xx
But a lot of times, when you don't know the evidence, the difference between the fact-supported pillar and the guess-work-supported lintel isn't clear, especially if the lintel is the point of the argument and thus directly asserted as the conclusion of the pillars. 3/
So I was listening to the latest Weeds podcast (megaphone.link/VMP2273454623) on Biden's foreign policy with @mattyglesias and @EmmaMAshford ; there's a lot of good stuff there, but I had a bit of a quibble with it, particularly re: peer competition with China 1/18
My quibble is mostly given that the Weeds presents these segments functionally as 'explainers' rather than as more directly persuasive, argumentative pieces. They are supposed to give people a sense of the state of Biden's policy and perhaps the state of the debate. 2/18
Because I don't know that this does that. @EmmaMAshford presents the shift to great power competition with China as a situation where we have asked 'how' (and answered, 'build ships') before we have asked 'why' and if we should even have competition at all. 3/18
A touch smarter observation would be to note that every use of a Palantir in the story is deceptive or manipulative, at least to one party.
Aragorn deceives Sauron into believing he had the one ring, when he didn't...
Pippin is observed by Sauron, which misleads him as to the true location of the ring.
Denethor is shown the great strength of Mordor, which was true, but also incomplete information: it made him despair of any hope when clearly there was still hope given that Gondor survives.
And in perhaps the most complicated set, Sauron manipulates Saruman, corrupting and dominating him through the Palantir, while Saruman at the same time deceives Sauron, pretending to be his faithful servant while still scheming against him.
I remain deeply confused by reports of professors demanding that students have their cameras on during zoom classes, especially zoom lectures.
What's the purpose of making the demand for all of the students? Seems likely to create issues and in some cases rather petty?
Now, I asked my students, if they felt comfortable, to turn their cameras on during lectures, specifically because it helps me if I can see even just a few faces to gauge if there is understanding or confusion.
I made clear that there would be no grade or judgement for this.
And I've had enough students do it that I can get a little 9x9 grid of faces, which works. Not as well as in-person, but it works.
And that's all its for (well, that and for the occasional student-pet cameo). But 'requiring' it from everyone is just never going to work...
I really find myself wishing more game reviewers took just a brief break from discussing graphics and gameplay and features and just included in every review: "I think this game attempted to evoke <feeling1/feeling2...> and it <succeeded/failed>."
Especially for more story oriented games, I want to know if it made you feel a feeling, and if so - what feeling was that?
By way of example, Frostpunk and Cities: Skylines could both be mechanically reviewed as "Very capable, mechanically deep, pretty, city-builders"...
But that review is kind of useless - they are very much not interchangeable. Contrast:
Frostpunk tries to make you feel hopeless despair, followed by triumphant recovery, followed by sorrowful reflection at the costs; it largely succeeds....