I suppose I think one mistake here is the belief that the American right as currently constituted can out-compete liberalism or the left in a war of competing myths and dreampolitiks and useful fictions:
amgreatness.com/2020/12/10/pla…
The one zone where the right is competitive with liberalism is in hard-power politics, and in power politics the advantage generally goes to the movement/statesman most in touch with actual reality (which is one reason why Joe Biden is the president-elect).
A conservatism that lives by fictions about its own situation can crash the American system (which seems to be what some ppl want) but it cannot govern it. And the hope of actually governing is the only non-nihilistic opportunity the right has in its conflict with progressivism.
This is something the post-liberal/"party of the state" conservatives are absolutely correct about: Successful governance is the only near-term opportunity available to the right. "We're gonna out-meme and out-fiction the mandarins and the woke" is the opposite of that.

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More from @DouthatNYT

2 Dec
I would mildly suggest that this @JZmirak piece is missing an acknowledgment that a key temptation losers face is the temptation to tell themselves, "actually, we didn't really lose."
stream.org/why-we-refuse-…
I would argue that conservatism in the United States is deeply afflicted by this temptation, with the voter-fraud fixation only the starkest case.
A conservatism of winners, of the kind @JZmirak calls for, would look at the fact that the right keeps stalling out at 46, 47, 48 percent support and say, "we need to get up to 52 or 53 or 54 percent so that we actually do the things that seem so desperately needful."
Read 7 tweets
23 Nov
Going to argue, mildly, with this @streeterryan piece for a moment:
thedispatch.com/p/trumpism-is-…
I said mildly because I completely agree with him that Trumpism is "an anti-leftist, anti-elitist cultural stance" and that most working-class Trump supporters do not have deeply-held views on, say, the details of industrial policy.
However the survey data he cites seems to show two things. First that working-class Trump supporters are not suffering from a deep sense of economic despair: Image
Read 10 tweets
21 Nov
Quick Saturday thread on this entertaining Michael Lind exercise in explaining the recent arc of liberalism as the return of the WASPs:
tabletmag.com/sections/news/…
Lind stresses continuities; I would tell a somewhat similar story but stress disjunction more. I think the WASPs really did abolish themselves in the 1960s, and what has returned in social justice is an inheritor but not a resurrection.
You can under the transition from Yankee aristocracy to national meritocracy as mid-century WASPdom deciding that it had to die as a culture so that its institutions - the Ivy League above all - could not only sustain themselves but expand their power.
Read 8 tweets
17 Nov
The latest issue of @Plough Quarterly, on the theme "What Are Families For?," includes a raft of interesting essays. Here's my contribution, on the case for one more child:
plough.com/en/topics/life…
Here is @LeahLibresco arguing for "an illiberalism of the weak":
plough.com/en/topics/just…
Here's Edwidge Danticat on the more-than-nuclear family:
plough.com/en/topics/just…
Read 5 tweets
13 Nov
Let me briefly defend @ezraklein's claims about the centrality of polarization to America's problems against @ezraklein's argument that the "dearth of the democracy" is really America's biggest challenge.
vox.com/21561011/2020-…
I'm sympathetic to the idea that the G.O.P. would be a better political formation if it were forced to compete more outside its rural/exurban base, which is one reason among many I don't particularly fear the abolition of the filibuster or the addition of new states. But ...
... one thing that 2020 should make clear is that the G.O.P., while not a majority coalition, is a *highly* competitive one relative to minority coalitions in the US past. It isn't staring down the barrel of demographic collapse. It's always within hailing distance of 50 percent.
Read 10 tweets
12 Nov
I think a key question for any newer right is whether it will fight hard *for* every vote, aspiring to the majorities Nixon and Reagan won, or whether it will be content to try to grasp the levers of state power on behalf of a 45-48 percent coalition.
The promise of Against-the-Dead-Consensus arguments on the right is that they aspire to build a *majoritarian* populism, not just sustain a defensive coalition propped up by a Senate edge. The voter-fraud fixation belongs to a we-can't-win-majorities mentality, not a winning one.
Against-the-Dead-Consensus conservatives should be spinning the results of a high-turnout election optimistically for their project. The GOP did not, in fact, collapse when more people voted! Trump even did a little better with black voters in Dem cities!
Read 4 tweets

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