Method: we employ a difference-in-differences strategy and compare naturalization rates between 1993 and 2006.
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Identification assumption is that, in absence of abolishment of domestic clause, naturalizations across treatment and control groups would have followed parallel trends.
We find that assumption holds.
But: also after 2000, no difference btw treatment and control group
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The abolishment of the domestic clause has been referred to as ‘Lex Turka’.
But our #nullfindings also hold for migrants from Turkey 🇹🇷, who are assumed to have made most use of domestic clause.
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So a more restrictive policy resulting from the abolishment of the domestic clause may have closed a backdoor to dual citizenship in 🇩🇪.
But we do not find evidence that this dissuaded migrants from acquiring German citizenship after 2000.
I had a look at party positions on #citizenship in 13 election manifestoes.
What did I find…?
1. Right-wing restriction 2. Left-wing silence / ambiguity 3. Small liberal center 4. New diaspora capture
A thread /
#1. Right-wing restriction
No surprise. Parties on center-right (VVD), orthodox Christian right (SGP) & populist right (FvD, PVV) advocate citizenship stripping.
‘Freedom’ Party PVV advocates restrictions of #dualcitizens (eg military)
FvD & SGP against pathway to citizenship.
#2. Left-wing silence / ambiguity I
The Greens (GL) & orthodox Socialist Party (SP) are silent on citizenship.
Labour Party (PvdA) somewhat ambiguous on #dualcitizenship: ‘no sign of lack of loyalty, but want to help people get rid of other citizenship, if they want’.
Difference-in-differences design exploits exogenous variation in origin country #citizenship legislation to identify the treatment effect of destination country policy reform.