Did Kabaka Muteesa II have a weapons cache in the palace in 1966? This question continues to be hotly disputed by historians and partisans. New evidence complicates this topic even further. 1/
In June 2012, responding to Peter Mulira, one writer in @DailyMonitor argued, “It had been reported that the Kabaka had amassed arms in the palace in readiness for war, and the troops were to search the palace.” bit.ly/3aMyKB9 2/
Following the 1966 crisis, both Obote & Muteesa were obliged to address the “weapons question” before international audiences. In a Telegraph article in July 1966, Kabaka Muteesa II noted: “I emphatically deny that we were piling up arms in the palace to make the ‘ultimatum’ 3/
into an armed rebellion. Nothing was further from my mind. There was no question of using force.” Read Full Article Here: bit.ly/2L3Is7d 4/
Obote, by contrast, in his “Letter to a London Friend,” responded: “In December, 1965, the then President [Kabaka] placed orders for heavy weapons with a Kampala firm. The arms were to come from Britain.” Read Full Letter Here: bit.ly/34NgVxT 5/
But what previously classified documents in the Colonial Office show is that for 2 years prior to Independence, the Kabaka attempted to modernize the weaponry of his bodyguard patrol. As the following documents show, this included a small number of pistols, 6 machine guns, /6
2,000 rounds of ammunition, bayonets, magazines, and more. For Muteesa, what president or political ruler does not have a modernized security force? The British government, though, rejected many of these requests, and their responses were deeply nativistic and paternalistic. /7
One Secret Letter from the Commonwealth Relations Office stated: “Our simple view is that restricting the Kabaka’s bodyguard to bows and arrows would be the most agreeable.” /8
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Daudi Chwa (1896–1939) was, I believe, Kabaka Mwanga’s youngest son (pictured here at 7). In the early 1900s, he was placed under the well-studied regency of the Katikkiro, Omulamuzi, and Omuwanika. But Chwa himself has remained largely understudied. 1/6
As he matured throughout the 1920s and 1930s, he challenged—in growing measure— numerous colonial policies and forced the resignation of A. Kaggwa. By the time of his death, he had also authored no fewer than 6 pamphlets. 2/6
The most circulated was “Obuyigirize, Obulabufu, N’Okwezaya mu Buganda,” which was a damning critique of expanding British authority. As he argued: “What is at present popularly termed as education and civilization of a Muganda may 3/6
.@bwesigye This is such a fascinating, complicated question. As we both know, Nsibirwa had an involved career. He first worked in the court of A. Kaggwa, before serving as a clerk in the Lukiiko. He was later appointed Mugerere and Mukwenda. 1/5
He was eventually appointed omuwanika and, shortly thereafter, in 1929, katikkiro. Throughout the 1930s, he navigated one controversy after another. As you have indicated, the political climate was fever pitch when 2/5
numerous elite Protestants, including Mukasa and Nsibirwa, backed the Namasole's remarriage to Simon Peter Kigozi in 1941. And there were all sorts of land disputes, with Mukasa and Nsibirwa deeply enmeshed. 3/5
Martin Luther Nsibirwa was the prime minister of Buganda between 1929–41 and, again, in 1945, when he was assassinated outside of St. Paul's Cathedral Namirembe. His murder sent shockwaves throughout the colonial government, [1/6]
who had long praised the sociability that governed high Ganda politics. It would remain one of the most consequential assassinations in colonial eastern Africa. The murder set in motion dozens of trials, appeals, and deportations, the documents [2/6]
of which were classified and then relocated to Hanslope Park, where they have remained since. Many of the Nsibirwa documents in the Migrated Archives have been declassified, although there was one important file that the British government had yet to release. Earlier [3/6]