Sadly, this is pretty representative of reactions within the SBC—bullet points with vague suggestions, insinuating everything and nothing all at once.
Point-by-point:
1. I’m confident that on Josh’s (aberrant) anti-intellectualist conception of Sola Scriptura, most academic disciplines somehow entail a denial of Scripture’s sufficiency—including much of what goes on in the field of theology.
This is hardly a problem for CRT.
2. Victimology and theology aren’t mutually exclusive so this is just a false dichotomy.
3. See point 1.
4a. Empirical claim offered without evidence.
4b. Truth is often divisive. What’s his point?
4c. CRT describes racial disparities created by the very institutions that CRT critiques.
4d. Describing ≠ promoting.
5. That depends, of course, on how one defines ‘racism’. Josh has demonstrated racist attitudes time and time again on this website; and racists are famous for defining racism in ways that make their racist attitudes non-racist. So, no—Josh doesn’t get to define ‘racism’.
6a. See point 1.
6b. Josh’s appeals to Scripture are instructive: his approach disqualifies any hermeneutic that interrogates the extra-biblical assumptions which allow Josh to cloak his own license in the language of liberty.
7. Justice is an objective standard for what people deserve and what we owe to each other; and justice is achieved when that objective standard is met.
I’m not a moral relativist; so I reject @JoshBuice ‘s assumption that “biblical justice” differs from justice as such.
8. Either this is a figurative use of the term ‘religion’—in which case this proposition is irrelevant to Josh’s point—or the proposition is obviously false: CRT is not, in any established sense of the term, a ‘religion’.
And finally, Josh’s closing expression of anxiety about power reveals the abundance of his heart. Nothing I might add would illuminate his ambitions with greater clarity than his own words.
***To clarify: I take Josh’s statements to be fairly representative of reactions from outspoken critics of CRT in the SBC. I have no idea how prevalent these views are across the SBC generally or with respect to any cross-section outside of vocal critics.
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There are hundreds of small SBC churches all over the South where the median church member is in her 60s or 70s. Her parents attended that same church and they’re now buried in the church cemetery out back.
She sits in the same pew every Sunday, next to the same people. One day they’ll all rest next to each other in the church cemetery, along with their parents and grandparents.
The church is shrinking because most everyone’s kids left for college (or wherever) and never came back, except sometimes at Christmas.
The question that Southern Baptists need to confront—especially Southern Baptists born before 1970 or so—is whether the SBC is going to go along with the effort to conflate theological and cultural Conservatism.
A lot of cultural Conservatism is either unrelated or antithetic to theological Conservatism. My generation is done with those aspects of the Southern Baptist tradition.
The SBC can try to salvage pieces of the Conservative Resurgence that never should have been there in the first place, just so @FoundersMin , @BaptistNetworkand and @CBMWorg can play Culture Warrior and pontificate about keeping women in their place and the dangers of CRT.
By Southern Seminary's account of its history, when the SBC "...established SBTS in 1859, the prevailing orthodoxy of its white clergy included commitment to the legitimacy of slavery.”
The phrase ‘prevailing orthodoxy’ is doing a lot of rhetorical work here: ‘orthodoxy’ evokes the safe harbor of official sanction, while ‘prevailing’ conjures a sense of resignation to the inertia of established norms.
Yet the question must be asked: in 1859, how prevalent was the view that the institution of slavery was morally legitimate? Across the West? No: America’s N. Atlantic peers abolished slavery in the 1840s. Among Americans? No: Civil War was two years away. Among Protestants? No.
The biblical picture of false prophets bears a striking resemblance to the handful of theologians in the SBC whose dalliances with heresy have redounded to their own professional benefit.
Some proponents of ESS misrepresented the very nature of the Trinity in an effort to legitimate a niche research agenda that they were well-positioned to lead (largely because the most fertile theological minds of our era simply have no interest in advancing male headship).
These men spend their days stirring up controversy, insisting that God’s people break fellowship over the secondary effects of tertiary issues that are a matter of grave importance only to men whose professional advancement depends on it.
Well now you just seem more confused than before.
You still haven’t answered my question; but I gather that your assessment of Gen.1 derives from the interpretive principle that Scripture should be read in its plainest sense unless the text itself clearly indicates otherwise.
I agree with this principle; but I suspect we disagree on how to apply the ‘unless’ clause: I think that if reading a text as a straightforward recounting of empirical facts renders that text incoherent, this *just is* the text indicating that it’s not meant to be read that way.
Centuries upon centuries of Christian scholarship—including luminaries like Origen and Augustine—have questioned or rejected your assessment of Gen.1, on precisely these grounds.
For over four decades, American evangelicals have embraced the special-interest paradigm of political engagement—arguing, in effect, that the interests of Christians should take priority over conflicting claims of other interest groups.
This has been a terrible mistake.
If there is objective moral truth then there is objective truth about what people deserve and what we owe to each other—which is to say, justice.
Objective moral truth entails objective truth about justice. It’s as simple as that.
And if there is objective truth about justice, then our efforts in the political sphere should conform to that truth—which is to say, achieving justice should be our only political objective.