For whatever reason, this front page @thetimes story about @Ofcom's AVMS changes to the Broadcasting Code doesn't appear in the online version.
Ofcom proposed amending the definition of hate speech to include the characteristics, as set out in Article 21 of the EU Charter, as follows:
Ofcom noted that "the proposed amendments would not affect the weight we would place on the importance of freedom of expression in relation to political matters and content that is in the public interest."
These were the two (!) consultation responses on this topic:
Ofcom goes on:
So it seems that @ofcom will uphold political freedom of speech only if it can be demonstrated (to Ofcom's satisfaction, presumably) that it is in the public interest.
See @article19org's Law Commission submission (e.g. para 7) for a robust criticism of this overly narrow interpretation of freedom of speech. article19.org/wp-content/upl…
No. 10 in my list of things that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights does not say.
So, if someone were to go on television and say 'I hate all communists and fascists, and so should all decent people', does that breach the Code? And, from a rule of law perspective, how could anyone know in advance what view Ofcom might take of it?
Let us not forget, Ofcom has said it is using AVMS implementation as a testbed for its future role in #OnlineHarms regulation.
Nor does Art 19 UDHR say 'Everyone has the right to freedom of such opinion and expression as Ofcom determines to be in the public interest'.
The peril of applying discretionary regulation to speech, made manifest.
My take on last week's Privacy International and La Quadrature decisions, and implications for UK data protection adequacy. cyberleagle.com/2020/10/hard-q…
Thread summary of some central points follows. (The post is a long read and covers much more.)
The cases concern more than compelled retention of communications data. They include legislation mandating service providers to conduct automated analysis of communications data to detect terrorism, and to provide real-time feeds to security and intelligence authorities. 1/16
Art 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights says: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”
Here are ten things that it doesn't say:
1. Everyone has the right, but only by gracious permission of the state, to freedom of opinion and expression.
The "initial" list of online harms. "...by design, neither exhaustive nor fixed. A static list could prevent swift regulatory action to address new forms of online harm, new technologies, content and new online activities." #onlineharms
Some predictions of possible consequences of the Strasbourg Big Brother Watch judgment for the Investigatory Powers Act. #IPAct 1/6
1. Oversight of entire bulk interception selection process from start (bearer selection) through middle (selectors etc) to end (analyst searches etc).
Public description of nature and granularity of oversight at each stage. Perhaps doable within current #IPAct framework. 2/6
2. Selection of related communications data (secondary data in #IPAct terms) for purposes other than ascertaining whether someone is currently within the British Islands.
#IPAct amendment. May sound technical, but this is potentially a significant issue. 3/6
This commentary on the European Commission’s Communication ‘Tackling Illegal Content Online’ has just entered my top 10 all time posts. At 8,500 words admittedly it’s on the long side. So here goes a threaded summary. cyberleagle.com/2017/10/toward…
1/20 The EU Council Freedom of Expression Guidelines stress the importance of “protecting intermediaries from the obligation of blocking Internet content without prior due process.”
2/20 ‘Tackling Illegal Content Online’ institutionalises the opposite: prior restraint instead of prior due process. Small wonder they deleted a previously leaked draft’s reference to the Guidelines.