@fravel Thank you Professor Taylor. Under Ch3, clause 20, the CCG is authorized to order foreign organizations or individuals to cease such unlawful activities or to dismantle/remove the structures, floating or fixed, within waters and on islands and reefs under national jurisdiction...
@fravel And the subsequent mention is that if the foreign organizations or individuals fail to heed those orders, CCG is authorized to stop those activities (i.e. construction of those structures) or forcibly dismantle/remove them...
@fravel This clause gives "stability-inducing cover" to CCG, because it first mandates CCG to order the other party to desist from constructing/emplacing those structures, and failing which, escalate the action to stop such activities or forcibly dismantling/removing those structures...
@fravel So in a way, it's aimed at warning other parties in those maritime disputes involving Beijing that they would be given the opportunity to cave in to CCG demands, and thereby the onus falls upon them to take "remedial actions", and failing which CCG is free to respond in force...
@fravel This "stability-inducing clause" seeking to give moral justification for CCG won't cut ice, in my view, since it basically constitutes a threat aimed at deterring other claimants from undertaking legitimate construction and navigational aid works within their EEZs..
@fravel It doesn't actually signify any new policy in my opinion. Before CGL is promulgated, Beijing has been undertaking actions aimed at stopping such activities, e.g. intimidating Manila as it constructs a beaching ramp on Thitu Island) and Vietnam in Vanguard Bank (Hakuryu-5 rig)...
@fravel So CGL is supposed to give legitimate cover for the continuation of such activities, with the added clause of course that it now empoweres CGL to undertake forceful actions to stop those activities. This latter added authorization is therefore destabilizing...
@fravel The only question is what are those forceful actions that can be undertaken. As mentioned earlier, Beijing has already been using such coercive methods as show of force for its coastguard and maritime militia around rival occupied features (Thitu Island, Second Thomas Shoal)...
@fravel And floating structures (Hakuryu-5) in a bid to compel those rival claimants to cease or desist from their activities. CGL doesn't specify what exactly those forceful actions can be, so it can be widely interpreted to therefore mean use of all means to stop the activities or...
@fravel To dismantle/remove these structures, which would definitely be destabilizing if the other party chooses to resist CCG actions. It may well depend on the actual situation on the ground, though it'll be interesting to know what operational directives could be issued to...
@fravel The CCG units out there in the disputed areas, and how those operational directives are translated from the CGL, and of course, the C2 relationships involved - between CCG units and HQ, and between the ship CO and the political commissars on the vessels. END

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More from @CollinSLKoh

22 Jan
THREAD: The 25th Standing Committee session of PRC's 13th National People's Congress passed the Coast Guard Law, which has been under deliberation and opened to "public consultation" for the past few months since last year. Some key takes below. reuters.com/article/us-chi…
1. There has been much reported in the press focusing on the authorization of CCG to open fire at foreign vessels. The first that came to my mind is that beyond how it could impact regional maritime flashpoints e.g. SCS disputes, it's a common practice worldwide anyway. 1/
2. Authorizing MLE agencies to open fire in the course of their law enforcement and sovereignty assertion duties is nothing new, since coastal states have had domestic laws governing such provisions. In 2018, Vietnam passed its new coast guard law that outlines the same. 2/
Read 32 tweets
14 Jan
THREAD: Since there's no background context provided here, I shall chip in to dispel the notion that the SCS arbitration brought forth by then Aquino Administration against Beijing in 2013 is "destabilizing" as claimed here.
Scarborough Shoal falls within Philippine EEZ. Due to its capacity shortfalls in enforcing fishery protection, Manila's enforcement in the shoal against foreign fishermen operating there had at best been intermittent throughout the decades. 1/
If one bothers to catalogue the instances of maritime activities in Scarborough Shoal, it's possible to uncover instances where PH maritime forces managed to apprehend PRC fishermen in the shoal. Beijing would protest but nothing more than that. 2/
Read 19 tweets
12 Jan
It's certainly more than 50% efficacy as reported last month. Though barely more so, by 0.4%. reuters.com/article/us-hea… ImageImage
Meanwhile, you can count on GT to strike a very upbeat tone that most likely won't help ameliorate public concerns about transparency over Beijing's vaccine data, nor will it help ameliorate negative public acceptance in several countries e.g. Philippines. globaltimes.cn/page/202101/12…
“I’m not rejecting vaccines, I’m rejecting Sinovac’s,” said Yusdeny Lanasakti, an East Java doctor who is worried about the vaccine’s efficacy. reuters.com/article/us-hea…
Read 4 tweets
14 Nov 20
THREAD: Regarding such claim, we should of course exercise some caution and seek to ascertain its veracity. One way is PRC official publication of the circumstances of this test and outcomes, or Pentagon confirmation. Either way may not be forthcoming. scmp.com/news/china/mil…
1/: as an engineer by training, I’m aware there are practical limits to systems. It’s not as simple as launching a missile and expecting it to hit. A host of physical factors has to be accounted for. Even more complicated is having a ballistic missile hit a moving target.
2/: let’s assume the PLA has over the years honed its ISR capabilities focusing on the near seas, which is less ambitious compared to a global strike complex, there’s after all the possibility that the PLA manages to minimise the intervening physical factors to an accurate shot.
Read 12 tweets
13 Nov 20
Generally I find RAND research outputs really insightful and useful. But sorry to say that this report is afflicted by certain stereotypes, and some wishful thinking about areas for future cooperation. rand.org/pubs/research_…
THREAD 1/: As of this writing, Singapore’s economic performance is sluggish, and national elections in 2020 marked a
transition to a new generation of leaders. Given these considerations, Singapore is undertaking
an effort to boost its ties with Beijing (p.12)
2/: Since the upheavals in 2016, SG has already undertaken efforts to mend ties with Beijing, and recent moves represent a continuation, not a "boost" as asserted by the authors. It also implied the new-gen leadership is inclined towards policy shift. This is incorrect.
Read 20 tweets
24 Aug 20
THREAD: so much to unpack in one sentence: "Worsening China-US ties are not good to overseas Chinese communities, considering that Chinese Singaporeans make up 75 percent of its population." H/t: @SCS_Disputes globaltimes.cn/content/119827…
Singaporean Chinese, not Chinese Singaporean. Nation first, ethnicity second. This is what defines Singapore as a multi-ethnic society, where national identify binds diverse ethnicity and cultures together. And this has been drilled in primary school since my times at least. 1/
The allusion that "Chinese Singaporeans" are "overseas Chinese communities" is outright misleading and patronizing. This label perhaps applies to my grandparents' generations, since they were emigres who directly came to colonial SG from China (back then PRC didn't exist). 2/
Read 9 tweets

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