Coming up in Holyrood on Tuesday, MSPs will take their final vote on the Defamation and Malicious Publications Bill. This is a critical reform, which will better protect free expression in Scotland & make it harder for frivilous actions to be brought. beta.parliament.scot/-/media/files/…
At stage 3, only @fultonsnp and @andywightman are proposing any amendments. Fulton's focuses on the court power to order removal of allegedly defamatory statements. Andy wants to replace the "serious harm" threshold to sue with a "real harm" threshold. beta.parliament.scot/-/media/files/…
This Bill is particularly important for social media as, amongst other things, it will significantly restrict the ability of pursuers to bring defamation proceedings against "secondary publishers" who may have shared or retweeted material from websites, newspapers and so on.
It also creates new defences to allegations of defamation sweeping away the sometimes confusing pattern of common law defences to defamation actions. These will now include the defence of (a) truth, (b) publication on a matter of public interest, and (c) honest opinion.
I tell a lie. A few other amendments have now come in from the Minister and from @liamkerrMSP. Liam's amendment is on the limititation period to bring a defamation action under the new Bill. beta.parliament.scot/-/media/files/…
Limitation may sound like a technical, but it is hugely important from a free expression point of view. At the moment, pursuers have three years to even begin legal action against someone they say defamed them. This Bill will reduce that period to one year only.
Why does this matter? Because a potential pursuer could send you a menacing letter - and leave you to stew for up to three years before lodging court documentation, if they lodge it at all. The potential chilling effect of this period of legal uncertainty should be obvious.
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When it comes to legal restrictions on Holyrood's proceedings on the Scottish Government's handling of sexual harassment complaints - most of the focus has, understandably, has been on the impact of the contempt of court order on a parliamentary process which isn't privileged.
As I indicated a few weeks ago, however, perhaps the most significant legal restriction in play here isn't the order - but s.162 of the Criminal Justice and Licensing Act 2010. Here it is: legislation.gov.uk/asp/2010/13/se…
What is its significance? It says that if material is disclosed to an accused person by the Crown, they can only use or disclose that evidence for the purposes of their criminal defence and any appeals. It is a crime under s.163 to breach this. legislation.gov.uk/asp/2010/13/se…
In press reports about Salmond's scheduled appearance before Holyrood next week & written evidence, there's a lot of vague references to "legal considerations" informing what can and cannot lawfully be disclosed. For outsiders looking in, here are the most obvious limitations.
Firstly, Holyrood procedures are insulated from the law of defamation in the way publishing elsewhere or holding a press conference would not be. This is in section 41 of the Scotland Act. Parliamentary privilege in Holyrood is a pretty limited compared to Westminster.
In contrast with Westminster, Holyrood proceedings are covered by any orders made under the Contempt of Court Act 1981. One relevant order applies in this case.
Is Bonnington just going to keep churning out articles which get basic facts about the law wrong & suggest he hasn't actually read the legislation he cites? Read s.23 of the Scotland Act. The High Court has no role whatever here. legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/46/…) scottishlegal.com/article/alista…
Under s.23, Holyrood has the power to call witnesses on its own authority. Under s.24, a requirement is imposed when the clerk gives notice to the person or body it is imposed on. Under s.25, failure to comply is an offence. No court (nevermind the High Court) is involved.
Basic, basic stuff - the kind of elementary reading of statute any solid LLB student should manage, nevermind someone who continues to identify themselves as an "honorary former law professor."
One of the funniest cases I've ever heard of concerned a man accused of impersonating a police officer. A thread. This chap had been out for a few too many pints & decided to take a cab home. Disaster! Mid-journey, he discovers he doesn't have the cash on him to cover the fare.
So what does he do? Confesses to the driver, who punts him out on the street. Consumed by guilt about the ride he's stolen from the taxi driver, our drunken hero decides to turn himself in to the police. He seeks out the local police station - and finds it locked up tight.
This week, Holyrood finally recognised the right of prisoners serving terms of less than 12 months in jail to vote. And not before time - 15 years after the ECHR ruled the UK's blanket ban was disproportionate. In other countries this is uncontroversial. thenational.scot/news/18254991.…
Although the Government argue they've been forced by law to do this - which is substantially true - Labour and the SNP have clearly been on a bit of a political journey on this issue. Reading the official report, this didn't sound like pinching your nose & taking your medicine.
As recently as 2013, MSPs excluded all prisoners from the #indyref franchise, leading to the Moohan case in the UK Supreme Court. (The Justices, by majority, said this was lawful beause the right to vote under the ECHR doesn't extend to referendums). supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uks…
Tend to agree with this. It is worth remembering what precisely the UK Supreme Court - as opposed to the partisan spin - decided was wrong with the original scheme, when it was challenged by the Christian Institute.
The legal challenge was mounted under Article 8 of the ECHR - the right to privacy and a family life. This is a cruicial right, but it is not an unlimited one under the Convention, for obvious reasons.
If states wish to interfere with ECHR rights of this kind, they must demonstrate 3 things. One: a legitimate aim. Two: the interference is "according to law" - has an adequate legal basis. And three: that it is "necessary in a democratic society". Which is to say: proportionate.