A continuation of my thread on investment and national security. I’m so enthusiastic about this topic I couldn’t fit it all in a single thread, it seems. …
I left off with the US-Peru FTA and its self-judging security footnote. That one is interesting, because 2 years later China concluded a PTA with Peru, and flipped the script, making a non-self-judging footnote. It’s interesting to speculate as to why. 26/
The 2015 India Model BIT is fascinating because it combines elements of all the models. There’s self-judging language, alongside a GATT-style list of security concerns, with some new additions (“critical infrastructure”). There’s even a GATS-style reporting obligation. But… 27/
The BIT also has an annex stating that the exception is non-justiciable. I emphasized at the close of my lecture that this is a different model of lawmaking: the specificity is meant to stabilize expectations, despite the lack of access to dispute settlement. Will it work? 28/
All of the above was in the background lecture. We spent classtime on four student presentations, delving into aspects of security, investment, and dispute settlement. 29/

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More from @jbentonheath

17 Mar
Today in investment law and policy, we’re talking about investment and national security (my favorite topic). The students read treaty text and Continental Casualty v Arg, and also watched a short recorded lecture by me. Other links below were not assigned to students. 1/
First, a little background from my recorded lecture. When folks say that today there is greater overlap between #NatSec & #ISDS, what do they mean? What kinds of measures are they talking about? How would they violate investment rules? 2/
Historically, the primary concern might have been economic sanctions. The US, in particular, has for years applied sanctions, asset freezes, and embargoes under the 1917 Trading with the Enemy Act and the 1977 Int’l Emergency Economic Powers Act (pictured). 3/
Read 26 tweets
15 Mar
Both good thoughts. Because I can’t get back to writing my draft article until I get this off my chest, a long thread about article length. These observations are triggered by Dave’s suggestion but not directed at these points, which I think are basically good. /1
2 hypotheses and 1 argument about Why L Rev Articles Are So Long:

1. It’s as much a function of who is reading/reviewing as it is about mere word limits/expectations.

2. Jr. scholars are likely going to bear the brunt of the Your Article Is Too Long complaint. /2
3. Sr. scholars complaining about article length (which is not what Dave is doing in the above RT) is my least favorite genre of academic tweet.

So please stop. (Again, not what Dave is doing, but some of you might already be doing it in the replies/RTs.) /3
Read 16 tweets
11 Jan 20
A thread on what’s going on in this odd (or, as @t_streinz put it, “quirky”) essay. Owing to my association with @nyuiilj, I’ve been a longtime consumer of US administrative law scholarship, which I found incredibly generative of ideas for the study of int’l institutions. /1
I think US admin scholarship tends to break down according to whether you believe: 1. that the administrative state is a practical necessity; and 2. that administrative governance suffers from something like a “deficit” of democratic legiitimacy. Like this:
/2
The top-left box I associate with first-wave critical legal studies, particularly Frug’s 1984 piece The Ideology of Bureaucracy. jstor.org/stable/pdf/134…. /3
Read 17 tweets
24 Oct 19
Really enjoyed this post from @AntheaERoberts @taylor__stjohn. There are many good pieces about the proposals for ISDS reforms & tradeoffs. What is unique about this piece is its emphasis on a political, deliberative forum as the emerging system's "center." Initial reactions 1/n.
I agree that it's important to think about the diplomatic and political fora that will compliment/steer whatever court or appellate process is eventually set up. I've learned a lot from @loyaladvisor about this dimension of the trading system. papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf… 2/n
There's lots of helpful literature on the role of political fora, both vis-a-vis courts and as governance mechanisms in their own right. The post's reference to the UNFCCC (likely deliberately) calls to mind Churchill & Ulfstein's foundational work: cambridge.org/core/journals/… 3/n
Read 10 tweets
11 Jun 19
A provocative take on the US national security tariffs. bit.ly/31peM8A. @rodrikdani suggests "the best we can hope for is what one might call 'democracy-enhancing global governance'" based on procedural requirements. 1/4
I generally agree with the diagnosis. I'm skeptical that the response is as easy as shifting from substantive to procedural review (e.g., for transparency). In practice, these procedural principles are so open-ended they can simply mask a more substantive decision. 2/4
Neither do I think that 100% non-jusiticability is the answer - maybe in other times/contexts, but not today. But int'l courts could steer deliberations about #NatSec measures to other domestic & int'l fora where appropriate, & this is worth exploring further. 3/4
Read 4 tweets
5 Apr 19
/1 Just finished a quick first read of the WTO panel decision today on Article XXI (Russia - Traffic in Transit, DS512). Thanks @rdmcdougall @howserob. Some very preliminary reactions for purposes of discussion. (Long thread).
/2 Section 7.5.2 is in some sense as important as the panel's judgment, as it sets out the positions of member states. We already had some sense of the members' positions, and some (US, EU, Australia included) had released their briefs. At least 2 interesting things there:
/3 First, Canada and the EU both accept justiciability of Art XXI, but are on opposite sides on whether the exception has "objective" elements. Notable given that #CETA essentially replicates the Article XXI formulation, as does 2004 Canadian model FIPA.
Read 31 tweets

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