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Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
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28 Mar, 5 tweets, 2 min read
Although the GOP once supported "free soil," we no longer refer to it as a "traditional Republican" belief. Yet journalists, against all evidence, persist in referring to the GOP's "traditional resistance to bigger deficits and more debt."/1
washingtonpost.com/politics/biden…
Remember way back in 2017 when the Senate GOP unanimously passed the Trump tax cut, most of whose benefits went to the wealthy and corporations, and which has substantially added to the deficit?/2
forbes.com/sites/christia…
Remember back in 2002 when Vice President Dick Cheney told Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neil that "deficits don't matter." /3
chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-20…
Everyone knows that the GOP only pretends to care about deficits when a Democrat is president. Here’s a 2009 article, just as Obama was about to be inaugurated, with the headline, “GOP Back to Being Deficit Hawks.”/4 Image
It's long past time for a complete and total shutdown on framing concerns about the deficit and debt as a GOP "tradition" or "principle." /5

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More from @LarryGlickman

Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
2 Apr
This excellent column by @paulkrugman evokes the "Committee on Research in Economic History" founded in 1940 and tasked with showing that New Deal era government-economic development projects were deeply in the American grain, not a dangerous departure./1
nytimes.com/2021/04/01/opi…
As I discuss in FREE ENTERPRISE:AN AMERICAN HISTORY, this group sought to promote scholarship that exposed the myth of laissez faire and showed “public spending to be a long-standing political tradition.” /2
In a special 1943 issue of the JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC HISTORY called "The Tasks of Economic History," and in a number of influential monographs, leading scholars--including Louis Hartz and Oscar Handlin--published state-focused studies that offered evidence for these claims./3
Read 17 tweets
Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
28 Mar
I've already done a thread critiquing Balz's framing of the GOP's "traditional resistance" to deficits and I wanted to note a separate point about how he frames backlashes in this piece./1
washingtonpost.com/politics/biden…
His claim is that the Great Society “triggered a backlash against bigger government, which gave rise to the conservative movement.” This framing is very common but I feel that it underplays the agency of those who actually participated in the backlash. /2 Image
Very often we see similar framing about the Civil Rights movement, with the claim that it “sparked” a backlash. /3
Read 5 tweets
Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
26 Mar
Interesting that neither the obit in the WaPo or the Times mentions Brock's role as RNC Chair in helping to found the journal, "Common Sense: A Republican Journal of Thought and Opinion." /1
nytimes.com/2021/03/25/us/…
When I interviewed Bill Brock in May 2018, he told me that he thought of his work as RNC Chair as "the most meaningful work I've ever done," emphasizing both outreach and openness to ideas./2
He also told me that the GOP "focus on social issues has made us limited" and that, too often, "we define our opponents as immoral."/3
Read 6 tweets
Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
14 Mar
Terrific article by ⁦@jimtankersley⁩ and ⁦@JasonDeParle⁩ on the transformational nature of the Biden relief plan. I continue, however, to question the framing of backlashes as a reflexive response “generated” by, in their example, the 2009 Obama stimulus. 1/
I disagree with this framing at least for 2 reasons. First, The claim that the “law could provoke a backlash” denies agency to those who participate in backlashes and attributes the causal factor to be demands for equal rights or progressive legislation. /2
Second, the history of backlashes shows them to often be pre-emptive rather than reactive. To take one example, the so-called “white backlash” to the Civil Rights Movement got its name In 1963, a year before the passage of the Civil Rights Act. /3
Read 5 tweets
Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
9 Mar
What I'd add to this great @jbouie piece is that despite a lot of hype about divisions between "populist" and pro-business flanks, the GOP is remarkably ideologically uniform, witness the unanimity on repealing ACA, Trump's tax cut, and Biden's ARP. nytimes.com/2021/03/09/opi…
Remember that in Trump's CPAC speech, he defined the living heartbeat of Trumpism as "low taxes and eliminating job-killing regulations," and Ohio's Josh Mandel conflated a "Trump America First Agenda" with "economic freedom and individual liberty." /2
rev.com/blog/transcrip…
In other words, even the faux populism is fading and we are getting a convergence of Trumpism with long-term GOP orthodoxy, which existed in practice during the Trump years, if not always in rhetoric. /3
Read 4 tweets
Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
4 Mar
In her CPAC speech, Kristi Noem quoted a JFK speech from 1962 as evidence of "a time when both political parties clung to certain fundamental principles" and before Ronald Reagan was forced from the Democratic Party. This is humorous for two reasons./1
rev.com/blog/transcrip…
First, because Reagan joined the GOP in 1962, the exact year of JFK's speech./2
Second, a few years earlier Reagan wrote of JFK to Nixon: "Under the tousled boyish haircut it is still old Karl Marx -- first launched a century ago. There is nothing new in the idea of a government being Big Brother to us all." /3
upi.com/Archives/1984/…
Read 5 tweets

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