Will probably write about Race Commission Report properly for Sunday, but a few thoughts. Having spent much of the last few years questioning arguments about racial disparities, insisting that we need to think about the complex interplay of race and class… 1/
…and suggesting that the racial categories we use are often not useful in understanding many social problems we face, I might have been expected to like the Commission approach. I don’t. It’s an odd report, marrying the polemical with the empirical to the detriment of both. 2/
Much of the controversy about the report has been about the question of “institutional racism”. That seems to me to miss the real problems with it. The report seems less interested in exposing and exploring the complexities… 3/
…than in seeing the causation of social problems as lying within minority communities themselves. This leads it to often distort the interpretation of the data. 4/
For instance, having set out the differences between different ethnic groups, the report sums this up by arguing that “it is possible to have racial disadvantage without racists” [p. 41]. 5/
It’s a strange way of framing the issue, not to mention a considerable claim, which the report does not unpack or justify or explain. The report then argues that therefore “we need to look elsewhere [than racism] for the roots of that disadvantage”. 6/
It then observes that “Racial disadvantage often overlaps with social class disadvantage” but it quickly moves on from class by asking “how have some groups transcended that disadvantage more swiftly than others?” 7/
And the answer seems to be primarily to do with “family structure” and “cultural traditions”. Which becomes a means of viewing the causation of disadvantages as lying within minority communities. 8/
Take, for instance, the question of employment and social mobility. One the paradoxes today is while minorities outperform white boys in education, and in access to university, white male working class outperform non-white in terms of income, employment and social mobility. 9/
Part of the explanation lies in labour market discrimination. Many studies in which researchers send employers cvs identical except in the race/ethnicity of the applicant have consistently shown that white applicants are more likely to get interviews than non-white ones. 11/
The report dismisses such studies because “these experiments cannot be relied upon to provide clarity on the extent that it happens in every day life”. (p. 121) The problem it claims is that minorities lack understanding of the job market and are too choosy about jobs. 12/
The report claims: “If not enough young Black people are getting the professional jobs they expected after graduating, then we need to examine the subjects they are studying and the careers advice they are receiving.” [p. 97] 13/
It also claims that black people (and minorities more generally) don’t appreciate the importance of apprenticeships because of “a mixture of prejudice and ignorance” (p. 102) 14/
In fact, figures show that black people are not underrepresented in apprenticeships (they form around 3.5% of apprenticeships, the same as their proportion in the population): ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/education-skil… 15/
(Asians are underrepresented, but the report and Tony Sewell on the @BBCr4oday programme yesterday specifically single out blacks.)16/
There are many other similar cases. The overall effect is far from looking at the complexities, the report too often simplifies the issues and ignores the data seemingly for polemical purpose. (See, for instance, the discussion of lone parent families.) 17/
I’ll write more about this later, but it seems to me an odd report, and an opportunity missed. 18/
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
The point is not that there is not a problem of racism. It is that there is more to most of these issues than racism, that race and class intersect in complex ways, that the categories we should use must depend on the questions we want to ask, 3/
A few thoughts on the Batley school Muhammed image controversy. Since the facts are unclear, these are as much about the general issues as the case itself.
1. There is no right not to be offended. This is as true in a classroom as anywhere else. Context matters.
2. The boundaries of speech are, of course, different in a classroom than in the world outside. One is dealing with minors, building a relationship with them, encouraging them to think, and to think about issues that they may not have, or may not have wanted to.
3. There are no blasphemy laws in Britain and – despite media reports – no prohibition in Islam against depicting Muhammed. It’s a modern taboo in many Sunni strands. In Iran, there are depictions of Muhammed even in a mosque. There are many manuscripts with such depictions.
It will be interesting to see if “WEIRD” becomes the framework for defining certain sections of the population that supposedly reject “the ideals of individualism, moral consistency and the type of sequential logic used in alphabet-based writing systems”. 1/
There is, though, a long history of seeing the “lower classes” in the same terms as non-Westerners, as fundamentally, and anthropologically, distinct from the elite. It was a central theme of nineteenth century racial thinking. 2/
In his 1883 book "The Life of the Poor", English journalist George Sims wrote of “a region that lies at our own doors… a dark continent that is within easy walking distance of the General Post Office”, a continent “as interesting as any of those newly-explored lands… 3/
Many people have seen those horrific photos of black labourers in the Belgian Congo having hands & feet (not just theirs but their children’s too) chopped off as punishment. What I hadn't realized was that 18th century American colonies had laws authorizing similar punishment. 1/
A 1707 Virginia law authorised courts in the case of runaway slaves “to order such punishment to the said slave, either by disbembring, or any other way, not touching his life, as they in their discretion shall think fit for… terrifying others from the like practices.” 2/
As for what this entailed, this is from the records of a Virginia court in March 1708, after a complaint about a runaway slave: “It is ordered… That the said Robert Carter Esq. shall have full power according to Law to dismember the said negroes… by cutting off their toes.” 3/
@RavinAnend@manick62@rakibehsan@buffsoldier_96 Apologies for a slow response – I’m still under the threat of deadlines. Apologies, too, for a twitter thread that’s more like a mini-essay. Twitter, unfortunately, is not best platform for discussing issues such as this. 1/
@RavinAnend@manick62@rakibehsan@buffsoldier_96@JohnAmaechi The real question to ask here is why talk of ‘white privilege’ rather than of ‘racism’? Or, from my perspective, why is it better to talk of, and challenge, racism rather than white privilege? Here’s why: 3/
‘Suppose Germany had developed two bombs before we had any bombs. And suppose Germany had dropped one bomb, say, on Rochester and the other on Buffalo, and then having run out of bombs she would have lost the war.’ 1/
‘…Can anyone doubt that we would then have defined the dropping of atomic bombs on cities as a war crime, and that we would have sentenced the Germans who were guilty of this crime to death at Nuremberg and hanged them?’ 2/
That was Leo Szilárd on the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, 75 years ago. Szilárd was the Hungarian-American physicist, among the first to warn of Germany’s A bomb programme, and a central figure in the Manhattan Project. 3/