What would a good theory of linguistic justice do? At a minimum, it would help explain global patterns of language oppression - how is injustice driving the elimination of half the worlds languages? 1/n
Sorry, adequate, not good. At present we don’t have a theory of linguistic justice that helps explain global patterns of language oppression, so we don’t have an adequate theory of linguistic justice. 2/n
How would we know this theory works? At least two ways.
1. It would provide new solutions for addressing language oppression, and...
3/n
2. It would make the issue of language oppression and other forms of linguistic injustice legible to broader conversations about social justice. More people would ‘get’ language issues and how they intersect with other contours of oppression.
4/n
Why don’t we have an adequate or good theory of linguistic justice? Well, at least two reasons.
1. Linguists who study named languages don’t study social justice but often have an implicitly liberal understanding of justice.
5/n
2. People who study social justice tend to be skeptical of, if not hostile towards, the idea that named languages are real, or matter.
6/n
Well I might leave this here for now and go back to cleaning the kitchen.
Ok, dishes are done (man). Back to linguistics justice...
There is a discussion about linguistic justice in linguistics, including sociolinguistics, but it is neither adequate nor good (as above) for at least two reasons. 7/n
1. ‘Justice’ tends to get imported into linguistics using the formula 1+2=12. What I mean is, the two domains tend to remain parallel rather than being synthesised. 8/n
Evidence of this is the lack of engagement with the foundational literature on justice and engagement with key debates in that literature. 9/n
Linguists tend not to specify what they mean when they say justice (Rawls? Fraser? Young? Fanon?), and when they do, their concept often doesn’t bring with it the sense of a living contested concept positioned with an evolving conversation. 10/n
Side note: The same thing happened with the idea of linguistic resilience - there was no historical or geneological work done to interrogate the concept and if it was really appropriate to helping communities maintain or revitalise their language. 11/n
But an important clue as to why resilience is a bad idea is the fact that it took off, in part, in post 9/11 US psychology as a way to explore how people in a country without a functioning public healthcare system should respond to trauma 🤷♂️
Anyway, the lack of critical engagement with justice debates is part of the reason why broader social justice communities don’t pick up what linguists have to say about linguistic justice. (Is it like anthropologists looking at economists talking about culture? 😬) 13/n
What’s the evidence that our theories of linguistic justice are not good? Pick up any introductory reader or handbook on social justice and you won’t find a chapter on linguistic justice. 14/n
Look at any intersectional roll call (X intersects with 1, 2, and 3 to produce unique forms of injustice), and you won’t find language. 15/n
So our theories of linguistic justice aren’t really good because we don’t take justice seriously. Why aren’t our theories of linguistic justice adequate, in the sense of addressing global patterns of language oppression? 16/n
Well, I think that definitely a huge part of this is the continuing dominance of the Global North in scholarship. We don’t see global patterns because we don’t look at the world. 17/n
North American linguistics is particularly parochial. This came out nicely in the recent articles published in Language about linguistics, racial justice, and inclusion. 18/n
Waiting for a bus so here is a true public transport story. As a uni student I lived in the burbs. Went out with friends one night and came home on the train. We stopped half way to walk a friend home...
When we got back to the train station, we had missed the last train. It was about 20 minutes each way to my friends house and we’d miscalculated the time. My house was a long way off.
We couldn’t figure out what to do. It was too far to walk and there were not taxis around. So we set out for a main road
This is the question that begins the fourth lecture in Society Must Be Defended, on January 28th 1976.
MF begins by deflecting a potential misinterpretation of his last lecture (see below). “You might have thought,” he says, “that I was trying to both trace the history of racist discourse AND PRAISE IT.”
So he offers us a useful distinction to show why this isn’t correct. It's a distinction he will explore throughout this lecture. It's the distinction between:
In today’s lecture, Foucault will briefly revisit his discussion of sovereignty from the last lecture, before moving on to the main topic of the lecture series: war. Today we will learn the meaning of the series' title: SOCIETY MUST BE DEFENDED.
Other topics MF will cover include: the emergence of social war discourses after the Middle Ages. Truth and social war. The mythical nature of social war discourses. 2 types of race war. State racism.
[‘social war’ is my term]
To the lectures…
Foucault begins by saying goodbye. “Last time, we said a sort of farewell to the theory of sovereignty.”
He sums up this theory by focusing on 3 terms: subject, unity, and legitimacy.
1⃣ Sovereign power is constituted by a multiplicity of subjects.
As I see it, today’s lecture covers two main topics:
1⃣ a discussion of methodology in relation to the study of power
2⃣ a discussion of two forms of state power: sovereign power & what Foucualt will later call biopower.
The discussion of sovereign power & biopower might give us a useful way to think about one aspect of our current moment: the pandemic & anti-mask/ anti-lockdown movements. I’ll come back to that. But, for now, to the lecture itself…
Is war a useful model for understanding power?
MF opens his second lecture with this question. He wants to begin—“and to do no more than begin”—exploring whether war can provide a “a principle that can help us understand and analyze political power…”