Let’s continue. To be honest, I’m not sure if this is a take on banknotes/nods to indigenous groups or language policy, but I’m going to treat it as an uninformed attempt to create a mirage hiding current language policy. Fact: Uyghur will, at best, become a “kitchen language”
The Party’s goal has been clear: all schools in Xinjiang are expected to adopt “mode 3” delivery—i.e., Chinese as the language of instruction (and using native languages only if necessary). (from Zuliyati Simayi, yes, this Zuliyatyi)
Some locales failed to meet the 2016 deadline, but are still expected to institute these changes, so they’ve dramatically increased the number of classroom hours spent on Chinese.
Figures on “bilingual” education do not include the >20,000/year neichuban (grades 7-9) and ~ 40,000 neigaoban (预科 + grades 10-12) students, most of whom are Uyghur (second largest Kazakh) where everything is taught in Chinese
I've conducted several years of research on the Neigaoban, the findings are published here: hkupress.hku.hk/pro/1747.php
Institutes of higher learning in Xinjiang have been using Chinese as the language of classroom instruction since 2004 (when I taught at XJNU Uyghur professors complained that had to teach in Chinese even when all their students were Uyghur)
State-run Uyghur language TV uses its programming to encourage Uyghurs to speak in Chinese.
Cadres organize mandatory night classes to teach Chinese in Uyghur villages, many of the participants are well beyond retirement age (i.e. not teaching them to be competitive in the job market)
Meanwhile, “fanghuiju” teams use their “visits” to teach Uyghur children Chinese in their homes.
If this trend continues, Uyghur (and Kazakh) will—at best—be permanently relegated to a “kitchen language” (see Atwood on Mongolian language policies) despite the Law of Regional Ethnic Autonomy’s promise to allow these groups to use and develop their native languages.

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More from @GroseTimothy

3 Apr
Chinese media, CCP leaders, and apologists have been recycling the official number of mosques to convince you that Uyghurs and Kazakhs can freely express piety. This number is meaningless. Here are the facts (from Chinese sources):
Minors, college students, and anyone who is employed by the government cannot attend mosque. Period. It is stated explicitly outside many mosques (my photo from Pichan which says no minors can enter).
Schools devote classroom time to instruct students not to believe in religion and not to enter mosques.
Read 9 tweets
14 Mar
March’s second scholar spotlight features Andrew Grant @angrant_1 and what will surely be his seminal work on urbanization, infrastructure, and #ethnicity in western China/eastern #Tibet, esp. Xining. Currently, Andrew is a VAP at @BostonCollege's International Studies Program.
Grant’s research provides sparkling examples of the cutting-edge work on Sino-Tibetan studies produced by geographers. Thorough, balanced, and with nuanced application of theory, his publications appear in @Pol_Geog_Jl, @CriticAsianStds, and Eurasian Journal of Geo and Econ.
His forthcoming book, “Borders of Global China,” will be published next year by @CambridgeUP. This book will be part of the Global China Elements Series edited by CK Lee.
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