“as political economy weakened the authoritative range of primary institutions, heteronormativity became the hegemonic mode for regulating not only sexual practice, but sexual desire as well.”
—roderick a. ferguson
“as capital was imagined through the framework of intimacy and racial transgression, a new ethical relation of the self arose to reassert the racial and sexual boundaries of household and neighborhood.”
“in a moment that disrupted those boundaries, that ethic worked to keep desire within the racialized confines of the heteropatriarchal household and the segregated neighborhood.”
“in addition, that racially heteronormative ethic worked to constitute the subject as eligible for citizenship. that work, if done successfully, would culminate in an american citizen who conformed to the racialized boundaries of heteropatriarchal marriage.”
“as sociologists were concerned w/the transgressions inspired by capital, social reformers during the 1930s & 1940s responded to those transgressions by designing social policy that would restore responsible intimacy to economically, ethnically&racially marginalized communities.”
“[...]restoring responsible intimacy meant eradicating the nonheteronormative formations that obstructed gender&sexual ideals held dear by middle-class whites. restoring responsible intimacy also meant establishing heteropatriarchal households w/n minority communities.”
“allocating benefits on the basis of women’s status as wives and mothers, new deal social policy tied women’s economic security to men’s wages, aid to dependent children (adc), and widow’s benefits.”
“men’s economic security, in turn, was tied to fair wages, unions, and social insurance. social policy worked to arrange men and women within heteropatriarchal family structures.”
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dr. w. e. b. du bois, on how poor whites were instructive in the maintenance of the institution of slavery:
“the system of slavery demanded a special police force and such a force was made possible and unusually effective by the presence of the poor whites. this explains the difference between the slave revolts in the west indies, and the lack of effective revolt in the southern US.”
“in the west indies, the power over the slave was held by the whites and carried out by them and such negroes as they could trust. in the south, on the other hand, the great planters formed proportionately quite as small a class...”
“perhaps we need to let go of all notions of manhood and femininity and concentrate on blackhood. we have much, alas, to work against. the job of purging is staggering.”
“it perhaps takes less heart to pick up the gun than to face the task of creating a new identity, a self, perhaps an androgynous self, via commitment to the struggle.”
“the argument goes that the man is the breadwinner and the subject, the woman the helpmate and the object because that is the nature of the sexes, because that is the way it’s always been, and just because.”
toni cade bambara, on the question of the black woman’s role in revolution:
“what black woman did you have in mind? each of us, after all, has particular skills and styles that suit us for particular tasks in the struggle.”
“i’m not altogether sure we agree on the term ‘revolution’ or i wouldn’t be having so much difficulty with the phrase ‘woman’s role.’ i have always, i think, opposed the stereotypic definitions of “masculine” and “feminine...”
“not only because i thought it was a lot of merchandising nonsense, but rather because i always found the either/or implicit in those definitions antithetical to what i was all about—and what revolution for self is all about—the whole person.”
“the disciplines of criminology, the behavioral and social sciences, like all the other institutional disciplines in a racist/class society, seek to rationalize and present an apologia for the political status quo without losing respectability.”
“to accomplish this they must, in effect, promote the decontextualization of crime and criminality. that is, they tend to divorce crime and criminality from their socioecological and psychohistorical contexts and present them as small-group, sub cultural, & personality problems.”
“standards explanations and approaches take crime out of the total context which sires it, out of the politico-economic context which gives it shape and form, and places it within the context of a mythical quasi-innate ‘criminal’ personality, class, subculture, or group.”
“it is to the greater glory of the ruling classes, that dominant class of classes — regulator of the societal economy, center of societal [self-]consciousness, producer & protector of the societal self- and public image...”
“... guardian and keeper of the self-serving peace, law and order — that a societal symptom such as criminality is erected as an altar upon which the repressed classes are ritualistically sacrificed.”
“in order to escape flagellation by its own bad conscience and escape the need to stone for its repression and dispossession of its repressed subordinated classes, the egocentric ruling class must, through defensive self-deception and distorting lies, deny its culpability and...”
amos wilson, from “black on black violence; the psychodynamics of black self-annihilation in service of white domination,” on crime, criminals criminality:
“the unexamined assumption that criminality & criminal activity are initiated and sustained by a distinct outlaw class of criminal personalities who are at war against society of innocent, decent, normal persons, while beguilingly simple and direct is nevertheless disingenuous.”
“purported criminal types of classes, degrees or levels of criminal activities, as well as the social strata or groups and individuals who perpetuate, aid and abet criminal activities, functionally vary across time and cultures.”