Theory: what makes plans like these popular isn’t, say, widespread concern about loansharking, but the appeal to a widespread desire to stick it to the man. “Moderate” Dems use that same affectation (sometimes quite successfully) but pretend “the man” is the Dem party and agenda.
I would like to see moderate Dems train that affect on unscrupulous corporate actors, too. But what resonates is the affect (see: drain the swamp) not the polling of this or that issue position.
When you limit the affect to saying party leadership won’t control you, you never have to extend it to corporate interests.
The flipside though is that if “moderates” were anti-corporate populists instead of just flies in the ointment, the affect would eventually force them into confrontations (with health insurance companies, etc) that would make popularists uncomfortable.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Actually, I now agree that not everyone should vote, and ask @NRO them to join me in my new pursuit of limiting the franchise to those who aren’t yet retired, since people of advanced age have less stake in the future of the country, and are deeply dependent on state largesse.
They’re also more prone to be confused about public matters (all matters, really) so erecting barriers before them to the ballot box is just common sense.
McConnell’s position seems to be that corporate free speech is sacrosanct when it manifests in endless streams of dark money to right wing advocacy, but punishable with selective tax and labor enforcement when it’s actual words, such as ‘making it hard for people to vote is bad.’
Of course, when Dems introduce legislation to tax corporations and encourage unionization and step up antitrust enforcement on a neutral basis, Republicans will oppose it unanimously. The message is be good soldiers and we’ll take care of you, step out of line and it’s the lash.
The mainstream press has repeatedly bowed to pressure to call this “populism” but it’s much more like fascism.
What happens is Republicans pretend to be outraged and reporters pretend to believe them. Because if a party is outraged, there must be a controversy. Take that wink and nod routine of the equation and it’s clear big media companies don’t actually see a huge story here.
Having vented my personal frustration with media’s contrived gullibility to Republican nonsense, I want to add that if Democrats are frustrated, too, they should attack the gullible for being complicit with the inhuman treatment Cornyn unwittingly alludes to here.
Conventions at legacy outlets basically forbid reporting that kind of thing plainly but it’s 100% what’s happening and everyone knows it. Republicans oppose any commission empowered to look beyond narrow security failures, unless they’re allowed to mire it in ANTIFA whataboutism.
To me, the commission itself is a bit of a red herring, since Dems can:
1) Let Republicans vote it down. 2) Impanel a joint committee, give it subpoena power, hold hearings in prime time. 3) Abolish the filibuster and create the commission anyhow, if they think it’s important.
I think what’s happened is that over time people have grown increasingly aware of the absurdities of the Senate, and the senators’ insistence on hiding behind them, so some bluffs are being called.
One reason I’m thrilled to see filibuster abolition go mainstream, and which I’ve been bleating about for 15 years, is that as constituted it inverts accountability. When a bill fails in “the Senate” it’s usually because of the minority, not the party in charge. LIKEWISE...