Nate Cohn Profile picture
16 Apr, 13 tweets, 2 min read
One thing about Democratic gains in the Sun Belt and Republican gains in the Rust Belt is that it's at least beginning to upend the 2010-era story about gerrymandering, redistricting, and the Democratic 'geographic' disadvantage in the House
From 2010-2014, the main story about the Democratic disadvantage in the House centered on purple/blue states where Democrats faced a two part problem: Republican gerrymandering and a Democratic 'geographic' inefficiency problem
The geograhpic problem was simple: in the blue/purple states, Obama's strength mainly depended on running up the score in areas that were already blue (thus yielding few new D districts), while Republicans won rural/exurban areas narrowly, netting more districts with fewer votes
The Trump elections somewhat complicated this story. Like Obama, Trump often ran up the score mainly in places that were already red. Yes, he did flip blue rural areas (IA/OH), but Clinton/Biden was also flipping a very similar number of red suburbs (GA6, etc)
The Democratic inefficiency story is still more-or-less true in the North, albeit to a lesser degree than '12: Despite Trump's rural gains, the GOP still doesn't win rural areas in MI/PA/WI/MN/NY by anything like the margin than Dems win DET/PHI/MIL/MIN/DET/NY, etc.
But the story in the red states and Sun Belt is different in a more fundamental way.
There, the GOP does win rural areas by an overwhelming margin--matching what Dems do in the urban north, and, importantly, more than Dems in southern cities. At same time, Ds flip the burbs
The Dems also have an added, albeit odd, advantage (with respect to the popular vote) thanks to low turnout among Latino voters. That allows Democrats to win districts with relatively few votes.
The result is that there are several red/Sun Belt states where the Democrats have a big geographic advantage. There, they win metro areas efficiently, 60/40 (and with great population-vote ratios in Latino areas), while the GOP wastes votes with huge rural margins
Texas is the most obvious case. If you drew a partisan-blind map with compact, county/city-based CDs, you'd have a very real chance of drawing a map where Biden won a majority of CDs, much as a similar technique often yields Trump favored maps in PA/WI/MI, etc
Don't get me wrong: Democrats are still at the overall disadvantage nationwide.
But I do think the growing regional split is interesting and does have some consequences for the gerrymandering debate
One of the odd consequence of state-based redistricting is that each state map is evaluated independently. Similarly, the gerrymandering tests are all applied by state: if you draw a map with 5Rs and 3Ds in WI or 22Ds and 16Rs in TX, you have a gerrmander
But if there's a big regional split in geographic bias, then evaluating the maps nationwide might yield a different perspective. Perhaps a map with a Dem majority in TX and an R majority in PA/MI/WI might be fair--or at least far more fair than it seemed from any single state
Of course, that's not the way maps are drawn or evaluated now. But it's interesting that, technically, I do think that congress could do a national redistricting commission-or state commissions subsidiary to a national evaluation of partisan balance

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More from @Nate_Cohn

6 Apr
What I implied is that new the law probably doesn't increase the length of lines, and could just as easily shorten lines.
I am not implying that lines don't matter to turnout (the article, in fact, says long lines affect turnout), or to human beings
When it comes to the effect on in-person voting, there are provisions cutting in both directions.
An example in the negative direction: ending the Fulton County bus voting stations, which could directly alleviate a problem
An example in the positive direction: expanding early voting days and the provision requiring that large precincts with long lines (over an hour) either add staff, add machines or split apart.
Read 11 tweets
6 Apr
The new Georgia law increases the risk of partisan interference in election administration, even if it doesn't make it easy.
Election subversion is a risk outside of Georgia, too, and it's a risk that's being overshadowed by focus on mail voting
nytimes.com/2021/04/06/ups…
As an aside, the response here to the my piece on the voting half of this law was series of absolutely unhinged--which is not to say there weren't several valid critiques, some of which I'm sympathetic to.
One of the most wrong headed critiques was the notion, often implicit, that there's something problematic about examining individual aspects of a law at a time (especially when there's more coming later on those very aspects)
Read 14 tweets
3 Apr
The Georgia election law's restrictions on voting are unlikely to discernibly affect turnout or the result
nytimes.com/2021/04/03/ups…
I've limited my analysis to the provisions affecting whether and how people can vote, not those that empower the state legislature to play a larger role in election administration. More on those later, but those provisions don't inherently affect voting access in a particular way
I also like to say that I do think it's important for journalists to report about the consequences of these laws, not just their intent or morality, for a few reasons.
Read 13 tweets
2 Apr
I do think there’s a credible, somewhat counterintuitive case that Democrats would have been better off if the GA GOP got rid of no excuse absentee voting altogether, v make it more difficult and risk higher rejections
This supposes that no excuse absentee voting does little to nothing to increase turnout, which I think is probably right. It’s less clear whether the GA law would increase rejections by more, but it’s uncertain enough to be imaginable
And the GA law does quite a bit to make it harder, between ID requirements and the huge dropbox restrictions. Not hard to imagine the law trapping Dem voters in a more difficult voting method
Read 8 tweets
31 Mar
One thing I've been thinking about lately: how different is the optimal voting system in a low-trust and high-trust society? What about in a society where partisans will play no-holds barred to win, versus one where democratic norms are strong?
To take an easy example from 2020: maybe it's not optimal for the vote count to last three weeks in a low trust society. There's nothing wrong with it, strictly speaking. It could have advantages. But maybe it's not worth the risk if there are bad actors and low trust
I can imagine taking this to more extreme places where there would probably way more debate: say, arguing against multiple forms of voting with varying eligibility, as it creates distinct categories of voters/ballots that can be targeted by law, election admin, courts, etc
Read 4 tweets
25 Mar
It's an open question whether polling is 'dead.' Maybe it was simply hospitalized in critical condition and no one can be sure whether it will get out
One of the best hope for polling is the theory that the error/bias was mainly just about the coronavirus, for instance. Our Oct. 2019 polls were way better than Oct. 2020! The poll averages in Feb/Mar 2020 were way better too. But I think the evidence is pretty inconclusive
That said, history offers plenty of reason to hope that polling could leave the hospital. So if that's the main @NateSilver538 position here, then he's right that we may not disagree as deeply as I think
Read 4 tweets

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