1st took place in Baghdad on April 9 about the Houthi attacks.

Saudi side led by intel chief Khalid bin Ali al-Humaidan & Iraqi PM facilitated

2nd round next week. No mention of who represented Iranian side. Intel Min Mahmoud Alavi?
ft.com/content/852e94…
If confirmed, this diplomacy is likely part of the Biden admin’s strategy to dealing with Iran’s disproportionate regional influence while it tries to restore the nuclear deal.
Hard to believe that Team Biden was only working on a return to the JCPOA without addressing the bigger Iranian regional threat. That was the whole criticism against the Obama deal that it provided the cash Iran needed to become further aggressive in the Middle East.
JCPOA v 2.0 will empower Iran to consolidate and further build upon the gains it has made in the region. How not to allow that unintended outcome while restoring the nuclear deal has been the biggest strategic conundrum for the US.
A terribly difficult circle to square, especially given the lack of any good options. Then there is the major imbalance of power in the region with Iran in a net strategic sense having the proverbial upper hand vis-a-vis the Arab states.
Considering the strategic hollowing out effect that the Arab world has experienced with regime-change in Iraq + the Arab spring there is no way for the US to restore a semblance of balance of power. On the contrary, a new nuclear deal would further exacerbate matters.
An outcome utterly unacceptable to Saudi Arabia and the Arab states, which is why they favored the Trump approach of max pressure. Obviously the Biden admin could not throw KSA et al under the bus and twice. It is already struggling to allay Israeli concerns.
Israel has options to secure itself against an Iran empowered by sanctions relief and those are not necessarily at odds with US interests. In fact, they help the US contain Iran while it scales back some of the pressure off of Tehran.
In sharp contrast, KSA & the Arab states are deeply reliant on the US to secure their national & regional security interests. They are also all too aware of the serious limits on the dividends of the Abrahamic Accords with Israel vis-a-vis countering Iran.
There is a reason why they quickly adjusted to a post-Trump Washington. KSA et al were very loud in their opposition to Obama’s move towards Iran. This time around we aren’t seeing the same level of noise. I may have missed some statements but they have been awfully quiet.
This is despite the fact that the Biden WH has been aggressive against MbS on the Khashoggi murder. The only explanation is that they have reassurances from Biden that it can walk and chew gum at the same time.
This is why this Iraqi-hosted Saudi-Iranian diplomacy makes sense. I am hesitant to call it Iraqi-mediated. Baghdad is too weak to be a mediator. Besides the Saudis won’t trust an Iraqi state that has long fallen into the Iranian orbit. Riyadh wouldn’t be involved unless DC was.
The US/Saudi/Arab interest in such Riyadh-Tehran diplomacy is to stem the hemorrhaging on the Arab side. Short of a major war there is nothing that can be done to roll back Iran’s influence in the Arab world. Certainly not in the short-term.
What they can do though is try to prevent further Iranian inroads. The principle is the same as that behind the nuclear deal. Place limits on how far Iran can go. To quote Picard from Star Trek First Contact: “....this far, no further!”
In diplomacy, however, drawing those lines are anything but solid moves. For now the goal is to try to lock Iran down in a regional diplomatic framework. It is akin to buying time.
The Arab states cannot deal w/ their internal political problems while at the same time insulate themselves against an Iran that continues to deepen its geopolitical ingress into the region.
Like the nuclear deal, any Saudi-Iranian detente will be a kicking of the can down the road. Just as the JCPOA only temporarily slows down the Iranian march towards nukes an understanding with Saudi Arabia is a stop-gap measure.
As I argued in my recent @newlinesmag essay Iran has all but won a 40-year conflict with Saudi Arabia. The kingdom’s northern flank has been compromised but it can still secure the one to its south. In fact, KSA needs to badly end the war in Yemen. newlinesmag.com/argument/the-c…
That entails acknowledging Iran as a stakeholder in Arab affairs. This is something that for the longest time has been a redline for KSA. It would appear that the Saudis are now conceding on that.
This is precisely what the Iranians have been wanting. Their entire fp strategy since the ‘80s has been to convert faultlines into conflicts in order to set themselves as eventual peacemakers and consolidate influence.
It is the method to their madness and the m.o. to gradually alter the regional security architecture. The Saudis know this well. Hence their opposition to talking to the Iranians other than via proxy as has been the case in Lebanon.
It seems that KSA has been forced into cutting its losses. The plan is to tie up Iran via diplomacy to slow down the rate of decay. This could help if the Saudis then work hard on improving their domestic & regional situation. But it will require both delicate & deft handling.
The wild card in all of this is Turkey. The Saudis can definitely use Turkish pressure on Iran. But not at the cost of empowering the Turks. An out of the frying pan into the fire type of situation.

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More from @KamranBokhari

16 Apr
When I was learning intelligence analysis many moons ago I was taught that before you get excited thinking that you have obtained a new piece of information stop for a moment and ask yourself: Why are you being told what you are?
Why is the source telling you something? What is its interest in relaying this piece of intelligence? IOW, the reason for releasing a piece of information is far more critical than the actual intel itself.
Applying this principle to the announcement from Iran that has succeeded in enriching uranium to 60 percent purity we must consider why is Tehran telegraphing it to the world like this? Normally, developments like these are the most highly guarded state secrets.
Read 16 tweets
12 Sep 20
Extremely difficult negotiations. For the simple reason that the Taliban want to alter the current Afghan state to a Sunni Afghan version of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Whereas the other side wants to preserve as much of the current setup as possible.

nytimes.com/2020/09/12/wor…
The Taliban know that they can't go back to their old emirate and will need to compromise. But their desire to dominate a post-American Afghanistan is only getting stronger, especially given battlespace dynamics and the US desire to get the hell outta dodge
Meanwhile, the other sides represents a divided state + an array of regional factions, which have come to the table from a position of relative weakness. Their desire is to concede as little as possible but lack military leverage to drive a hard bargain.
Read 47 tweets
29 Feb 20
Militarily, the Turks are playing an interesting game. Their goal is to show that the Russian level of engagement works against rebels but not them. In this way, Ankara is forcing Moscow to either get more deeply involved in Syria or come to the negotiating table.
For the Kremlin, Syria has been a relatively low cost intervention. Not too many troops. Limited deployment of fixed wing aircraft. Focus on air support to Assad regime forces and Iranian-mobilized irregulars. The Russians do not want to increase their footprint in country.
Moscow has been able to sustain this level of commitment because the Turkish intervention was limited and encumbered by a number of factors: 1) US alignment with Kurds; 2) Turkish inertia; 3) Rebel rout; 4) Astana process.
Read 17 tweets
20 Feb 20
The head of the Haqqani Network - a terrorist group with close ties to al-Qaeda - gets an op-ed in the NYT to speak on behalf of the Taliban (as opposed to its central leader Mullah Haibatullah) - ahead of the signing of a peace agreement with the US. nytimes.com/2020/02/20/opi…
Sirajuddin Haqqani does not mention his longtime ally al-Qaeda by name. Instead uses vague language (“disruptive” and “foreign” groups) to refer to the transnational jihadist entity. He even terms its presence in Afghanistan as exaggerated. See this bit👇
Of course, the vague language about not allowing Afghan soil to be used by transnational jihadists as a launchpad for int’l attacks is designed to satisfy a long-standing US demand. It comes from a man whose faction within the Taliban is the closest to al-Qaeda.
Read 23 tweets

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