JW Mason Profile picture
24 Apr, 17 tweets, 4 min read
The last few years have seen renewed interest in hysteresis - the idea that shifts in demand can have persistent effects on GDP, well beyond the period of the "shock" itself. But it seems to me we haven't distinguished clearly enough between two forms of this.
Demand could have persistent effects on output because demand influences supply - this seems to be what people usually have in mind. But it also could be because demand itself is persistent, i.e. aggregate spending behaves like a random walk with drift.
Anyone who follows me on twitter has seen lots of versions of this picture. But assuming we think the deviation is in some large part due to the financial crisis, are we imagining that output has persistently fallen short of potential, or that potential has fallen below trend?
It might seem like a semantic distinction, but it's not. In first case, we would expect monetary policy to be generally looser in period after a negative demand shock, in the second case tighter. In 1st case we'd expect lower inflation in period after shock, in 2nd case higher.
It seems to me that most of the literature on hysteresis does not really distinguish these. This recent IMF paper by Fatas and coauthors for instance defines hysteresis as a persistent effect of demand shocks on GDP, which could be either of the two cases. imf.org/en/Publication…
In the text they seem to assume hysteresis means an effect of demand on supply, and not a persistence of demand itself, but they don't explicitly say this or make an argument for why the latter is not important.
You could imagine a model where, writing Z for total desired spending (demand), Z_t = (1+a)Z_t-1 + X where a is some trend growth rate and X is whatever we think influences demand. In this model, demand shocks will be persistent without any of the usual hysteresis mechanisms.
Obviously, a model like this would only make sense if one thought the central bank cannot or does not adjust demand to potential. The assumption that the central bank quickly and reliably closes output gaps is probably why this kind of persistence is not much discussed.
Imagine a hypothetical case where there is large increase in public spending for a few years, after which spending returns to its old level. For purposes of this thought experiment, assume there is no change in monetary policy - we're at the ZLB the whole time, if you like.
In the period after the high spending ends, will we have (a) lower unemployment and higher inflation than before, as the new income created during the period of high public spending leads to permanently higher demand?
Or will we have (b) higher unemployment and lower inflation than if the spending had not occurred, because the period of high spending permanently raised labor force participation and productivity, while demand returns to its old level?
Since the two forms of hysteresis imply diametrically opposite predictions in this case, seems important to be clear which one we are imagining. (Of course in real world, could see combination of both.)
One application to the present is obvious. Even if we agree that deviation from long-run trend is due to fall in spending in wake of financial crisis, that in itself doesn't tell us if higher spending today will be less inflationary than pre-crisis.
Another less obvious one is that if we think demand shocks are persistent because demand itself is persistent, we need to apply that to our analysis of fiscal multipliers too - conventional static multiplier is not enough.
For what it's worth, if you back out the effect of a fiscal shock with no monetary offset from the Fed's FRBUS model, you'll find that about a 1 percent of GDO increase in public spending has a long run effect on output of about 0.2 percent.
Obviously there's nothing sacred about this number but if you asked me what fraction of a demand shock is likely to be persistent in the contemporary US economy, I think 0.2 would be a reasonable baseline answer.
You can of course pick a different value. But whatever value you prefer, this parameter is going to be critically important if you want to estimate how much additional spending it would take to return to the pre-2007 trend.

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More from @JWMason1

16 Apr
So the scenario is that the weak demand following the crisis lowered potential, but strong demand *cannot* raise potential? Why would we believe that?
If @ojblanchard1 really believes that the financial crisis and recession reduced potential GDP by 10 points for all time, shouldn't his overriding concern be preventing a repeat? If you really thought this, why would you give even a second's thought to overheating?
To claim both that the Great Recession was a far greater macroeconomic disaster than anyone could have imagined, and that we should just go on doing macroeconomic policy as if it never happened, is just fundamentally unserious.
Read 4 tweets
15 Apr
A world where workers "just show up" when employers want them is different from one where employers have to actively seek them out, in lots of ways. Differences that get obscured when we assume that measures that restrict labor supply simply lead to lower employment and output.
There are many margins for adjustment - from higher wages to job training to hiring people leaving prison - that won't happen as long as workers just show up. Before we treat reduced labor supply as axiomatically bad, we should think about what we'd like to see on those margins.
There's a nontrivial sense in which what "supply constraints" mean in practice is the ability of people like Ken Rudzki to make their complaints about the lack of cheap, readily available labor politically effective.
Read 5 tweets
24 Mar
This is right, and important, especially important if you're someone starting out on career in economics. If you want to contribute to debates over macroeconomic policy, the models you will learn in a mainstream graduate program will do you no good at all. noahpinion.substack.com/p/the-return-o…
I don't however agree with the reason he gives. It is perfectly possible to make useful macroeconomics models. Policy is always based on an implicit model of some kind. As soon as you've talk about a fiscal multiplier, you're using a model. Okun's law is a model. Etc.
The problem is with the specific kind of theory mainstream theory aspires to - a model of an abstract "economy" built up from the level of individual agents, where we can identify actual outcomes with a unique equilibrium. That indeed is hard - in fact it's impossible.
Read 6 tweets
22 Mar
@themountaingoa1 @robertwaldmann This isn't really a conversation for twitter, but:

"Microfoundations" can mean a lot of things. I'd distinguish 4 senses:

1. aggregate model that is motivated/justified by explicit views of behavior of units at less aggregated level
@themountaingoa1 @robertwaldmann 2. aggregate model that rests on/incorporates formal model of units at less aggregated level

3. aggregate model derived from formal model of behavior of "agents", atomic units of economy who are consumers of final output, suppliers of labor, owners of wealthy etc.
@themountaingoa1 @robertwaldmann 4. aggregate model derived from formal model of behavior of agents, which must be described as the solution to an explicit intertemporal maximization problem.
Read 7 tweets
24 Feb
Senator Warren: "I take it that your view is that inequality is something that holds our economy down and stunts economic growth. Is that a fair statement?"

Powell: "Yes it is."
Powell: "We can't affect wealth inequality. We can, indirectly, affect income inequality."

I understand why he's trying to draw this line but I don't think it's going to work.
Pushed by some southern troll to clarify whether he is for or against the Biden stimulus and relief bill, Powell refuses and adds, "we didn't comment on the tax cuts." Ouch!
Read 10 tweets
24 Feb
Powell: "Most research still says there's a tradeoff between job loss [from minimum wage] and those whose wages go up but actually the unanimity of that finding of 30 or 40 years ago is no longer in place, there's a much more nuanced understanding."

Progress in economics.
"We may some upward pressure on prices zs the economy reopens -- a good problem to have -- but I don't think those effects will be large or persistent."
(Yes, now that the kids are in bed I can finally listen to and not-quite-live tweet Powell's testimony today.)
Read 6 tweets

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