On Father Mbaka, Garba Shehu needs to get that nobody takes part or takes sides in politics to earn their reward in Heaven, and the rewards aren’t necessarily material favors. The most anticipated reward is good governance, and so is respecting the grievance of former supporters.
Once we begin to antagonize our former supporters in the very fashion we pounce on the opposition, we admit that political support is a thankless job. Our politicians don’t know how to manage the expectations of their supporters, even the ones who stood with them when nobody did.
Ridiculing your former political allies and throwing them under the bus for simply disagreeing with your method of governing, which has been overwhelmingly condemned by all sensible citizens, is fundamentally unwise.
Politics isn’t a gentleman’s business, but neither should it be a playground of insecure and vindictive partisans. The reward for political support or loyalty shouldn’t be outright demonization when a difference sets in.
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My @LSEnews dissertation is an attempt to understand the sincerity and bargaining skills of Nigerian political elites in Beijing, which I referred to as China Shop. This trending claim that Nigeria forfeited its sovereignty in certain loan agreements with China, is a case study.
Although the sovereignty claim is simplistic, Nigerians are right to pay attention to the documents their representatives are signing at such negotiating tables. Every state prioritizes its interests in relating with other states, and cares less about any morality in doing so.
Since the civil war, Nigeria’s foreign relations have been characterised by the search for a non-threatening alternative to the West, especially after the legitimacy crisis instigated by the adoption of the structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) in the 1980s.
Saudi Arabia isn’t the model for practising Islam, but if there’s a country that should defy #COVID19 and resume religious activities, it’s the kingdom. And this isn’t just because the Saudis are the custodians of Islam’s two holiest sites. The lockdown has cost them billions.
Religious activities have been a buffer of Saudi economy. They were generating about $12 billion annually from Hajj and Umrah, accounting for 20% of their non-Oil GDP, and aspiring to increase it to $150 in the next two years, as a part of their bids to ease dependence on Oil.
Now the country is at an economic crossroads, so much that they’ve tripled VATs and dealing with drastic budget deficits. And yet they haven’t decided to reopen and allow religious gatherings yet. The reason is simply because they are not being ruled by a Ganduje or a Masari.
Niger state has lost its prestigious status in Nigeria. Successive governments have treated it as mere vote-generating factory, which they abandoned after every election. The inter-state roads in Niger state seem as though the people are being punished for some wrongs. A THREAD.
Someone asked why I don’t draw attention to the state of the roads in Niger state and I asked whether I participated in bringing to power the man charged with fixing the problem. It gets tiring. Elections are intended to be a good transaction but such exchange does not favour us.
I doubt there’s a state in Nigeria that has endured ingratitude as much as Niger state. Especially in this government that not only treats the state and its people as some occupants of the nation’s boys’ quarters, who only deserve crumbs from the National Cake. I’ll explain.
Nigeria is a severely threatened place. We are surrounded by Francophone countries whose allegiances to France neutralizes this ECOWAS sentimentality (Cameroon isn’t a member). At continental level, South Africa is Africa’s more favored and preferred ally of developed countries.
In the sub-regional balance of power, the francophone alliances are a powerful force. This was demonstrated during the Biafran War when France supported the separatist group and the Francophone countries meant our borders were porous. Ivory Coast also supported the pro-Biafra.
After the war, Nigeria realized the essence of building alliances, and we extended such gesture by selling oil to our energy-poor neighbours at concessionary prices. Later clashes like that invasion of Nigeria by Chad and the Bakassi standoff are proof of extant security risks.
Yesterday I met a man, and the encounter has been absorbed as a lesson on how to treat a stranger. It’s a story that would’ve been told differently if I had not let humanity and humility take charge of the situation. A THREAD:
I sighted a middle-aged black man in the library, and noticed that he looked out of place. He was looking round and round the hall, as if searching for a known face. Judging from his age, and the fact that he wasn’t fashionably dressed, I concluded he’s probably a campus janitor.
I looked up again and then we locked gazes. I was on the beanbag, my favorite spot in the library, editing slides to be delivered in about an hour. I returned his greeting and was about to go back to my work when he asked for help. He spoke with a thick Southern African accent.
This fits into my research area, and I’ll share a few tweets, based on my readings so far. First, we can’t reduce China - Africa relations to a stereotype. It’s a complex relationship that varies across countries of Africa, for each place has its own unique experience. A THREAD.
We can study why African states respond to China using Chris Alden’s categorization of African regimes: Pariah States (Zimbabwe, Sudan). Illiberal regimes and weak democracies (from post-conflict regime like S/Leone to Nigeria; and democracy with diversified economy (S/Africa).
The first category responded to China, having been policed and sanctioned by the West, to stabilize their economy. While Oil-rich Sudan is a goldmine for China and even the location of Chinese-owned arms manufacturing plants, Zimbabwe is desperate and needs China to survive.