Ulysses S. Grant, May 6, 1864, in the Wilderness, Virginia, upon hearing an excited officer declare that he knew what Lee would do next after the Confederates launched an attack at dusk:
It had been a rough two days for the general-in-chief. One of his West Point classmates, Alexander Hays, had been killed on May 5. Grant was shaken when he heard the news.
Hays had graduated a year after Grant. Here is an image of the two men (Hays is in the foreground):
Hays's death meant that there was one less friendly face for Grant in the Army of the Potomac, and there were not many (although he knew Winfield Scott Hancock, among others).
Hancock had opened the fighting on May 6 by attacking Lee's right. The attack was initially successful.
Lee rode out to rally his men. Meanwhile, another of Grant's prewar comrades, James Longstreet, counterattacked, and drove Hancock back to where he started.
Longstreet fell, a victim of friendly fire, just like Stonewall Jackson did just over a year before.
As dusk approached, another Confederate attack against the extreme Union right created quite a stir, resulting in Grant snapping at the officer.
Grant began the day with two dozen cigars. When Hancock visited him that evening, Grant dug in his pocket to find only one remained.
After matters had settled down, Grant went into his tent. Charles F. Adams, Jr. noted that "I never saw a man so agitated in my life." Some reports claimed that he broke down. Others made no such claim. In any case, he soon emerged, calm, composed, collected.
In years to come the story of Grant breaking down became a major point of debate in accounts of the battle and biographies. Did he break down? Why? What should we make of it?
Implicit in the discussion was a notion that "breaking down" was somehow "unmanly." Real men don't cry, I guess. Grant's detractors liked to believe he broke down, while his defenders usually dismissed the story.
I have always thought the Adams description valuable, because the accounts of Horace Porter (Grant defender who was present) and James Wilson (Grant detractor who wasn't present) are part of a larger portrait both men wanted to paint. Adams had no skin in this game.
As to why Grant became agitated I think the answer's an easy one. It wasn't Lee. It was the Army of the Potomac's officer corps.
Lee lived rent-free in their heads too often.
In the weeks to come Grant would call upon his generals, officers, and men to be aggressive, to take the fight to the foe, to attack whenever there was an opportunity.
Sometimes he was wrong. Sometimes he was too aggressive. Sometimes he should have considered what Lee might do.
But Grant achieved one thing, and that was everything: Robert E. Lee never again held the upper hand.
Watching the parade of Union generals come and go, Lee once remarked to Longstreet that he dreaded that one day the Yankees would find a general he did not understand.
He met that general on April 9, 1865.
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This is one of the most interesting (and sometimes misunderstood) images of Ulysses S. Grant on the afternoon of May 5, 1864.
It presents Grant whittling away with a knife at his headquarters as the Army of the Potomac swung into action against Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia (Burnside's separate IX Corps would be up later).
Some people interpret this as a man whittling away without a care in the world: a sign of the calm, imperturbable Grant.
William McFeely saw it as potentially mindless, even insensitive to the carnage around him.
The refounding of the American republic in 1787-88 was made possible by major concessions to southern slaveholding interests. The three-fifths rule gave the South artificial advantages in the House and the electoral college.
It was no accident that the presidency and the Supreme Court were bulwarks of the slave power, along with the desire to maintain a free state-slave state balance in the Senate.
Three other early safeguards eventually cracked.
1. The House eventually reflected population growth in the North and the West, allowing free states to control the House.
No surprise to see Republicans who dismissed stories of Donald Trump's harrassing women jump on the allegations against Andrew Cuomo.
No surprise to see Democrats who welcomed charges against Republicans urge that we need to investigate before believing charges against Cuomo.
We'll hear a lot about motives (especially partisan ones) and a renewed debate on how we should initially treat allegations and view the people who make them.
None of this was hard to predict.
This will become a political football. and that means that larger issues will be obscured.
Sexual harassment is wrong, period. It's not boys just being boys, and it isn't always boys doing it or women being targeted.
We will hear a lot today about the anniversary of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Abraham Lincoln on September 22, 1862.
It's often confused with the Emancipation Proclamation itself, which was issued on January 1, 1863.
All too often the former is read in light of the latter, if indeed it is read at all. Anyone who reads them both will see real differences between them in a number of areas.
That practice warps our understanding of how freedom came and the context in which it evolved.
The PEP (for the 9/22/62 document) is best understood as a document of reconstruction based on reconciliationist premises that contained a threat of revolution should reconciliation fail again.
Had white southerners accepted its terms, history would be far different.
In the spring of 1971 I attended my first Rangers practice. Afterwards, as #BobNevin and @rodgilbert7 got onto a red sports car, Nevin gave me my first autograph from an NHL player (Rod would sign plenty of things later, but I didn't get his autograph then).
That spring was a memorable one for Nevin, as his OT goal in Game 6 won the first playoff series the Rangers had won in years ... and it beat his old team, the Toronto Maple Leafs.
Go to 21:50 here to see it:
As a Rangers fan at the time, to win a playoff series was a big thing. I believe it was the first time @rodgilbert7 was on the winning side of the handshake line.