Sounds highly symbolic. If historian or writer X (whether this was Simon Schama, or David Olusoga, or David Starkey, or David Irving) did not get to speak at a Cambridge student society or at one of the other 100 universities, what would the £ losses being sought amount to?
I am interested in whether former MP Chris Williamson could use these provisions, if a uni society which had adopted the IHRA definition of anti-semitism therefore felt unable to platform him? Does anybody know what provision there would be to exclude on grounds of anti-semitism?
Unis could lose funding if they do not adopt the IHRA definition. The government believes racist speech does not merit defence that it is legal free speech, if it breaches the IHRA definition. (Similar principle must apply to racism of other kinds too?)
Govt minister says new free speech law would *protect* holocaust denial on campus - including David Irving specifically. Govt is also asking all universities to adopt the IHRA definition of anti-semitism - this would *prohibit* holocaust denial on campus
IHRA definition and the IHRA working examples: denying the fact, scope, mechanisms and intentionality of the genocide of the Jewish people at the hands of the Nazis.
Trial judgement on David Irving: "he is an active holocaust denier; he is anti-semitic and racist and he associates with right-wing extremists who promote neo-nazism". hdot.org/judge/
Universities face the threat of fines if they platform anti-semitic holocaust deniers, who breach the IHRA definition. And now universities *also* face the threat of intervention and fines if they refuse to platform anti-semitic holocaust deniers!
The higher education minister does not know or understand the IHRA definition - or must be resiling from accepting the examples given by the IHRA, given her response to @evanhd that holocaust denial is acceptable if it "does not stray into racism"
It also shows a lack of awareness of the IHRA examples. And a lack of awareness of the David Irving case judgement, which documents ample evidence of his explicit anti-semitism and overt racism.
To show he was not an anti-semite, Irving asked the judge to listen to an hour long speech blaming the Jews for anti-semitism and why he answered the question "did the Jews bring Auschwitz on themselves" in the affirmative.
The government will have to choose between supporting the IHRA definition of anti-semitism as something universities must adopt & supporting David Irving's right to promote his anti-semitic views on university campuses. These are incompatible
Online Harms bill will insist social media platforms show how they will remove extreme but legal content (eg: holocaust denial). Universities will have to allow it, but will face contradictory obligations when the extreme, legal speech is antisemitic
The minister says the bill would protect any speech that is legal, albeit offensive. (But the Prevent duties would certainly inhibit some legal extreme speech, as would the IHRA). She says it would not protect racism (but much/most racist & antisemitic speech is not illegal)
The Prevent Duty applying to cases of Hizb-ut-Tahrir and Anjem Choudary, and of Britain First joins the IHRA as a further unexplained contradiction in the illogical claim that all offensive but legal speech will be protected by the new bill.
To say that all legal speech will be allowed [which seems unlikely], but also that speech that strays into racism won't be allowed appears to show a lack of understanding of the law. (Most racist speech is legal, but some racist speech is not).
Minister is clear that anti-semitism is abhorrent & will not be tolerated on campuses (hence pressure to adopt IHRA, to restrict extreme but legal speech).This *sounds* like a u-turn on her interview saying new law would protect holocaust denial on campus
She needs to add the IHRA definition of anti-semitism to this list of government policy exceptions to its free speech laws. Irving falls outside the IHRA (as a holocaust denier). It is not clear to me whether/why he is outside the exceptions that she cites
A serious debate about free speech would require those on different 'sides' to look through the other end of the telescope & take issues of boundaries seriously. This debate mainly an exchange of rhetorical soundbites until people at least try to do this.
Govt's aim is surely to have a chilling effect on anti-semitism. So proposing a warmer campus climate for holocaust denial should not be part of their policy. Their contradictory account of free speech + racism in uni bill & online harm bill is a real mess
I doubt many people remember that the government also embarked on a process (2019) to produce a working definition of anti-Muslim prejudice. I am not sure they are pursuing this in practice, as they have neither publicly progressed nor abandoned it gov.uk/government/new…
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In principle, a right to "routes of appeal" when social media companies remove hateful content seems fine, if they are allowed to remove content when it violates platform rules (including ruling some extreme content that is legal, such as holocaust denial, anti-semitism, racism)
These are Twitter examples of tweets they now ban. ("Dehumanising"). A route to appeal decisions is fine, but these type of decisions should be able to be made for legal but extreme speech of this nature.
An stupidly unworkable version of this idea was published by @SpeechUnion in their local elections manifesto, which proposed fining Twitter/Facebook if they deleted & refused to restore tweets saying "the Jews are vermin" or "deport all the blacks" etc
The Common Sense Group on the Conservative right have produced a book, which can be read here thecommonsensegroup.com
On immigration, coauthored by Peter Lilley and Marco Longhi. Argues that the post-Brexit immig system is *much* too liberal, that numbers need to be much lower, with an overall cap. (And that nobody is allowed to call for lower immigration).
Nick Fletcher MP also writes on immigration. His call for control includes this positive passage on contribution migration through history. He wants government to adopt a "an immigration cap of 100,000". (It was not clear to me if he means gross or net)
"Most people in Britain agree that it's right to offer people a place of safety when they’re in need. That’s why we’ve been protecting refugees throughout our history. It’s the right thing to do – and it reflects who we are as a nation"
"A diverse parliament is not just a nice to have, not merely a colouring in. It is an affirmation of rights" writes @chris_creeegan noting how the Holyrood parliament of 2021 reflects big generational shifts towards inclusion in Scottish politics & society
Six of the 120 MSPs (5%) are from ethnic minorities, up from 2 (< 2%). The new Holyrood parliament is much closer to reflecting Scotland's ethnic diversity (5% non-white in 2011). There had been four ethnic minority MSPs across 1999-2020 since devolution began.
A cross-party effort in Scotland with Humza Yousaf (SNP) and Anas Sarwar (Labour) joined by Conservatives Pam Gosal & Sandesh Gulhane as MSPs in Glasgow, where 5 of the city's 16 MSPs are now from ethnic minorities. Labour's Foysol Choudhury elected on Lothian regional list.