The Common Sense Group on the Conservative right have produced a book, which can be read here thecommonsensegroup.com
On immigration, coauthored by Peter Lilley and Marco Longhi. Argues that the post-Brexit immig system is *much* too liberal, that numbers need to be much lower, with an overall cap. (And that nobody is allowed to call for lower immigration).
Nick Fletcher MP also writes on immigration. His call for control includes this positive passage on contribution migration through history. He wants government to adopt a "an immigration cap of 100,000". (It was not clear to me if he means gross or net)
Lord Horam and Lord Hodgson also write on immig. They propose all jobs must only be advertised in the UK, suspending lower salary thresholds in new system for younger workers/new entrants, and bringing back the numerical cap on skilled migrants (which Johnson/Patel have scrapped)
"What is Wokeism and how to defeat it" by Gareth Bacon has 7 pages on what is wokeism and this 8th page on how to respond to it.
Few hints of what "definitive amendments" to the Equality Act might be considered 1) Activate social class as a protected characteristic (wide support) 2) Remove protected characteristics (contentious) 3) Weaken protections of protected characteristics in some ways? [not defined]
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In principle, a right to "routes of appeal" when social media companies remove hateful content seems fine, if they are allowed to remove content when it violates platform rules (including ruling some extreme content that is legal, such as holocaust denial, anti-semitism, racism)
These are Twitter examples of tweets they now ban. ("Dehumanising"). A route to appeal decisions is fine, but these type of decisions should be able to be made for legal but extreme speech of this nature.
An stupidly unworkable version of this idea was published by @SpeechUnion in their local elections manifesto, which proposed fining Twitter/Facebook if they deleted & refused to restore tweets saying "the Jews are vermin" or "deport all the blacks" etc
Sounds highly symbolic. If historian or writer X (whether this was Simon Schama, or David Olusoga, or David Starkey, or David Irving) did not get to speak at a Cambridge student society or at one of the other 100 universities, what would the £ losses being sought amount to?
I am interested in whether former MP Chris Williamson could use these provisions, if a uni society which had adopted the IHRA definition of anti-semitism therefore felt unable to platform him? Does anybody know what provision there would be to exclude on grounds of anti-semitism?
Unis could lose funding if they do not adopt the IHRA definition. The government believes racist speech does not merit defence that it is legal free speech, if it breaches the IHRA definition. (Similar principle must apply to racism of other kinds too?)
"Most people in Britain agree that it's right to offer people a place of safety when they’re in need. That’s why we’ve been protecting refugees throughout our history. It’s the right thing to do – and it reflects who we are as a nation"
"A diverse parliament is not just a nice to have, not merely a colouring in. It is an affirmation of rights" writes @chris_creeegan noting how the Holyrood parliament of 2021 reflects big generational shifts towards inclusion in Scottish politics & society
Six of the 120 MSPs (5%) are from ethnic minorities, up from 2 (< 2%). The new Holyrood parliament is much closer to reflecting Scotland's ethnic diversity (5% non-white in 2011). There had been four ethnic minority MSPs across 1999-2020 since devolution began.
A cross-party effort in Scotland with Humza Yousaf (SNP) and Anas Sarwar (Labour) joined by Conservatives Pam Gosal & Sandesh Gulhane as MSPs in Glasgow, where 5 of the city's 16 MSPs are now from ethnic minorities. Labour's Foysol Choudhury elected on Lothian regional list.