They tried to get around the 67-vote cloture threshold through a "nuclear option" maneuver (though it wasn't called that), blowing past cloture and overruling a point of order by simple majority...
Senate Majority Leader Mansfield raised that point of order. He lost the vote 51-42. Byrd voted with Mansfield against the nuclear option. (Pg. 3854 here congress.gov/94/crecb/1975/… )
Fun fact: Biden also sided with Mansfield but didn't vote in a "live pair" move.
...
But the nuclear option was quickly undone. As the NYT reported: "they were all set for the knockout punch ... when Senator [Jim] Allen discovered a parliamentary flaw in their strategy...
....He won the Vice‐President's ruling that debate—and thus the possibility of extended debate—was permitted on part of the reform proposal."
This is why the nuclear option did not become precedent at this time...
Soon after, the Democratic and Republican leaderships (which included Byrd as Majority Whip) came up with the compromise. Cloture reduced to 60 for legislation, keeping it at 67 for rules changes... legislativeprocedure.com/blog/2019/3/8/…
Cloture was invoked for that compromise with a 73-21 vote, and a final vote of 56 to 27... nytimes.com/1975/03/08/arc…
So the reduction of cloture from 60 to 55 in and of itself would not violate Byrd's principles, or Manchin's principles. But. Not. By. Nuclear. Option.
I'm going to add another Byrd story to this thread, one that largely *supports* the point @ShapiroGlobal & @ThePlumLineGS were trying to make above...
By 1979, filibustering had become more commonplace. Sen. Mansfield's "two-track" system (which Byrd helped create) ended the talking filibuster era & ushered in the silent filibuster era. Filibusters no longer gummed up the floor, but were easier to launch...
Byrd thought it was getting out of hand. So at the start of the 96th Senate, he proposed changing the filibuster rule. Bills need to a cloture vote to start debate, and then to end debate. Byrd wanted just one cloture vote...
Byrd said, "One filibuster is enough. If a minority of the Senate has enough votes, 41, to kill a bill, it should allow the bill to at least be brought up for debate on the merits." (Pg. 144 govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GP… )...
He was particularly upset about "the most cataclysmic and divisive filibuster of all, the postcloture filibuster" that followed "the filibuster on the matter itself" ...
To change the rule at the beginning of the 96th Senate, Byrd announced a new position of his:
"it is my belief-which has been supported by rulings of Vice Presidents of both parties and by votes of the Senate-in essence upholding the power and right of a majority of the Senate to change the rules of the Senate at the beginning of a new Congress
I have not always taken that position, but I take it today in the light of recent bitter experience. The experience of the last few years has made me come to a conclusion contrary to the one I reached some years ago."
As I wrote at the top of the thread, Byrd voted against a "nuclear option" maneuver--rule change by simple majority vote overriding the 67-vote cloture threshold for rule changes--four years earlier...
...now he's saying he supports a rule change by simple majority vote, though with a key condition: "at the beginning of a new Congress."
Byrd said he didn't want to force the simple majority rule change issue: "I am not going to press it to a vote today; I feel that we can work out a resolution ... I want to be a reasonable man; I do not want to be put in the corner of having a proceed by majority vote."
& presciently, he said: "if these postcloture filibusters continue, the day will come when the majority of this Senate will rise up and will strike down that rule and will change it; and there may then be greater and more far-reaching changes proposed than I have proposed today."
Per NYT: "After five weeks of sporadic debate and compromise in which little other substantive legislation could be considered" a compromise was reached...
Post-cloture debate was limited to 100 hours. The vote was 78 to 16. No need for a nuclear option.
So Byrd did shift his view and supported a simple majority for rule changes, but only at the beginning of a new Senate. And he did want to curtail filibustering, but he also wanted to maintain the power of a 41-senator minority to kill legislation.
in this thread @NormOrnstein argues that Byrd continued to evolve his views, and believes Byrd would go nuclear today to lower the cloture threshold to 55. I'm in no position to speculate...
...Though I would note in 2005 Byrd was part of the Gang of 14 that averted deployment of the nuclear option and struck a compromise on George W. Bush's judicial nominations. cnn.com/2005/POLITICS/…
When you read Byrd's remarks from 1979, I think you see a figure genuinely torn between majority will and minority rights. They're worth reading. govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GP…
Byrd in '05 worth reading too: "14 Members of this revered institution came together to avert the disaster called the nuclear option ..I thank all of those Republicans & Democrats who worked together to keep faith with the Framers and the Founding Fathers" web.archive.org/web/2005062419…
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Cato's (talking) filibusters were not designed to foster compromise. They were obstructionist tactics designed to stop wealth consolidation and authoritarianism.
He tried to slow Caesar's roll. When he failed, rather than live under Caesar's rule, he killed himself...
"Roughly 4 in 10 of [Biden's] votes came from people of color ... Trump’s voters, by contrast, were overwhelmingly white, 85% ... with just 15% coming from people of color, mostly Latinos"
"Biden also gained from increased support for Democrats among white voters with college educations ... Biden didn’t improve among whites without a college degree ... but he didn’t lose any further ground among a group that remains a majority of voters in many key states."
"In 2020, Latino and Asian voters increased as a share of the electorate, while the white share declined. The share cast by Black voters remained steady."
In my latest for @monthly, which talks of the value in threatening to court-pack (but not actually doing it), I delve into the debate over the impact of FDR's court-packing attempt. I include some details you may not know...
@monthly ...Some argue FDR's court-packing bill instigated the "switch in time that saved nine," as the Court flipped from anti-New Deal to pro-New Deal rulings after that.
But the "switch" happened before the bill's introduction...
But as Justice Owen Roberts explained in a 1945 memo academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/history/johnso… he cast the "switch" vote on Dec. 19, 1936, so FDR's announcement could not have pressured him...
Walter Mondale to Gary Hart: "When I hear your 'new ideas,' I’m reminded of that ad, 'Where’s the Beef?'"
When you see the clip, you can see how hard Mondale worked to talk over Hart and get that canned line out ... and how pleased he was with himself afterwards
For the youngsters out there: this was considered *the* pivotal moment of the 1984 Democratic presidential primary
Having gotten Obama's memior for Xmas, I was struck at how quickly it grabs you.
Which got me thinking about how well does the intro stand up to past presidential autobiographies and memoirs...
...There have been 16 presidential autobiographies and memoirs, covering that time in office (I'm not counting Grant's, which, while celebrated, is a war memoir from a general).