One of excellent things in @IsabellaMWeber is the implicit distinction between three types of reforms that economists or politicians not knowing the background and history of communist reforms confound.
Reform 1: price reforms, incl. wage reforms and exchange rate as a universal price. These are reforms that in principle do not affect the system. They have been debated since the 1960s by all kinds of fully socialist economists. This is Barone & Lange redux.
Reform 2: But if price reforms do not yield results (as became clear in 1970-80s) because enterprises invest badly nevertheless, wages are increased, companies hoard inputs (all evils diagnosed by--among others- Kornai), then one begins to question property relations.
Only then you move toward pro-capitalist reforms because you argue that companies should have "real" i.e. private, owners.
Reform 3. But --the Q then becomes-- if the economy is composed of capitalist firms, why do we have a communist party in power? This is a point at which you question the political system.
Reform1 is different from Reform 3 and many people in the 1960-70s, never thought that they would "slide" from arguing for Reform 1 to arguing for Reform 3.
Ironically, it is the most conservative socialist economists who were right:
every movement toward a more efficient and rational system, they argued, would lead us to Point No. 3.
But for most people, it took 20y of unsuccessful reforms to realize that.
And CHN showed that Reform No. 3 is not necessary, and things can be stopped at No. 2.
A thread on "Borgen".
I just finished the first series (10 episodes, I think) of "Borgen". It was way above my expectations which indeed were low, based on the idea that a political drama in a country as orderly as Denmark cannot be very interesting.
To some extent, it is true (see my points below), but the show does the best with what it has. Its objective is to document how illusions are gradually destroyed when one is faced with the hard reality of politics. (The acting is excellent too.)
But while the PM compromises on most of her original beliefs, and while there is lots of maneuvering and horse-trading among the politicians, everything is done within the rules and within the law.
So what is apparently not done in Denmark?
American MSM seems to be free in the same way that the old Soviet joke argued that Soviet papers are free: they are free to attack ceaselessly those who have been designated "enemies".
The last 12 months of Sinophobia were painful to watch and read.
It brings memories of similar hysterias: after Sept 11 (Taliban turned within a day from heroes to villains), in the run up to the Iraq war (nuclear arms were everywhere but UN was just stupid or corrupt not to see), then on Iran (where is now Ahmedinejad the new Hitler?) etc.
The point is not that China is blameless or right or great, the point is that one should exert some common sense and tact when writing, and not publish 100% of phobic articles.
It comes as an unpleasant surprise.
I was reading the published multi-year correspondence between Kawabata and Mishima (both of whom I admire). it is entirely about very mundane things: weather, food recipes, travel, publishers.
War is never mentioned, even if the exchange of letters begins in the Spring of 1945.
But then suddenly Kawabata describes his manipulation (although he does not call it such) of PEN to become a candidate for Nobel.
Then asks Mishima to write a recommendation. Mishima rightly (and very politely; he is a junior partner in this relationship) replies that, given his reputation, it may be counterproductive.
Many years ago when I read Neruda's excellent memoirs (I would suggest the book to everyone), I was a bit puzzled by Neruda going ecstatic in front of every Siberian dam when the same dam would leave him ice- cold in the US.
But then I thought I understood.
A dam built by capitalists is built by clever rich people who try to extract money by selling electricity to the poor. And they are clever enough to have hired the best engineers to do it.
But a dam built by workers is built in order to provide the light and heat to other workers. And workers thereby showed that, however downtrodden and mistreated they historically were, they could match best capitalists.
My article "After the Financial Crisis: The Evolution of the Global Income Distribution Between 2008 and 2013" just published today: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ro…
Using the newly created, and in terms of coverage and detail, the most complete household income data from more than 130 countries, the paper analyzes the changes in the global income distribution between 2008 and 2013.
This was the period of the global financial crisis and recovery. It is shown that global inequality continued to decline, largely due to China’s and India’s high growth rates that explain about two-thirds of the global Gini decrease between 2008 and 2013.
(A thread; of interest to few).
Rereading @IsabellaMWeber book, a Q (to me) naturally arises:
Why were Chinese utterly uninterested in Yugoslav socialism? There were important EEuropean participants but no Yugoslav (except A Bajt and his role was minimal).
It is a puzzle.
Yugo (SFRJ) was way ahead in "reforms" compared to HUN, CZE, POL. The issues discussed by Brus, Sik in 1980s in China were issued discussed in SFRJ in 1965. So why were the Chinese uninterested in a more "advanced" socialist reform?
Several possibilities.
1 Chinese invited EEuropean "emigré" economists who tried reforms in their own countries (Kornai does not fit that scheme though). SFRJ had no significant "emigré" economists to invite. The were all in country.