A quick perusal suggests that but for an out of place imposition of a modern occidental gender fetish on an ancient text in the intro, it is done with quite a sympathetic eye, with fidelity to the text. The author should be commended for making it open access-- this is the future
of academic publication& the Australian University should also be commended for that. By publishing knowledge that few might seek behind ridiculously priced books (especially printed) there is ample choice for the knowledge to be lost & the author to be forgotten for good. This
has been the fate of several H authors of decent works in post independence India. Their good work lost& them forgotten in print books, sometimes only to be plagiarized by others. Coming to the context itself the author is incorrect, like many others before him, in thinking that
viShNu was a minor deity in the veda, even the RV. It is a very wrong thing to measure the "importance" of deity by the # of sUkta-s he gets without taking into account: 1) # of mentions; 2)the epithets used in the mention; 3) the role of the shruti-bhAga-s in the totality of the
vaidika ritual. The bottom line is viShNu& his cognates were major deity from early IE tradition, with focal cults even elsewhere in the IE world. But that error is merely 1 of following others blindly. We agree with the author that viShNu-purANa is an interesting text providing
an important step in the evolution of vaiShNava traditions. Clearly there was the classic viShNu-focal system of vedic and earlier IE provenance; then there was the more local evolution in the Indo-Iranian borderlands of the vAsudeva-sAttvata tradition. The earlier harivaMsha was
definitely focused on a version of the sAttvata tradition. But there was a parallel strand of vaiShNava tradition predominant among the vaikhAnasa-s & and an early strand of pA~ncharAtra-s that was closer to vaidika focality on viShNu. The viShNu purANa tries bring the 2 together
by giving devakIputra the focus of the "earthly" expression of the sAttvata religion a central place in the narrative. rAmachandra aikShvAkava is not given much space in this text. However, it goes on to clarify that the saMkarShaNa & vAsudeva are only amshAmsha, i.e 1/p*1/q
fractions of the primal viShNu. So these avatAra-s are only parts or minor parts of viShNu, namely two hairs dropping off from him. Thus, it places the sAttvata heroes in more meaningful hierarchy with respect to the god himself. But like the shuklayajurveda verse there is a
certain fractality. This little part of viShNu can itself have tremendous potency as exhibited by the saMkarShaNa and the vAsudeva. This hierarchy is the reverse of the late va~NgIya kArShNi reflex -- a hypertrophied sAttvatism where viShNu has receded into the background
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The Geser Khan epic is one of the most remarkable texts where we can make out the layers of heathen religions piling one on top of the other. When the Mongolian version was finally published by the Manchus in 1716 CE it was part of their trilingual national formula with Manchu,
Mongolian and Chinese. The epic itself has roots in Tibet. The name of the protagonists Geser is believed by some to faint memory of Augustus or Julius but that is about it for any Roman memory. Its chief god outside of the bauddha overlay is named Qormusda Khan Tengri coming
from the Iranic Ahura Mazda. He is part of pantheon of 33 gods coming from the Indo-Iranian world. The Mongols however visualize him more like indra rather than the Iranic Ahura Mazda. The 2nd of Qormusda's sons incarnates as Geser. He is worshiped as an equestrian deity for the
There is an active cult of the 2nd pANDava the incarnation of the great god vAyu in some parts of jambudvIpa. In Nepal there is a vigorous one showing him in bhairava-like form with an Agamika worship. Below are 3 depictions of his acts: 1. jarAsaMdha-vadha
Apparently kIchaka-vadha; though there is no draupadI as may be seen in some depictions.
This is likely duHshAsana-vadha which resembles the multiple depictions of this fierce act of the vAyuputra on the kuru field seen in the Himalayan realm. The king shrInivAsa-malla endowed a major temple of bhIma & at the vidhi of his cult melds him with rudra in the secret
A atypical work for a western scholar -- trying to tell the history by including the Iranic perspective. Then end of Iran is a point of great significance to us because they are the closest major IE sister group of our tradition. However, some points should be noted with respect
to: 1) The steppe-sedentary tension. When we look at our own early tradition we see that even after "settling" in India, the Arya-s were not comfortable with large-scale urbanity -- this is reflected even in the rAmAyaNa & mahAbhArata -- eventually the Arya-s of India came around
to go urban. I think the evidence is strongly in favor of the Iranics as a group being even less inclined to total urbanity. The nature of their "post-invasion" domain retained the straddling of the steppe-land on 1 side and West Asian urbanity on the other. It does seem that
good thread. The connection to devAnAM hR^idayebhyaH from shatarudrIya was also what came to mind. But there is another connection to the marut-s that I would like note. vedic sense of a~nji has some mystery to it. It has a clear connection to the marut-s. For e.g. we have
in the RV: ye pR^iShatIbhir R^iShTibhiH sAkaM vAshIbhir a~njibhiH | ajAyanta svabhAnavaH ||
It is normally translated as unguent. In fact has an IE pedigree with that word. However, it is mentioned here with the weapons of the marut-s R^iShTi (spear) and vAshI (battle pickaxe).
Here again it is mentioned with the battle axe, armor and gauntlets: ye a~njiShu ye vAshIShu svabhAnavaH srakShu rukmeShu khAdiShu | dantA~njin should be either interpreted as marked with a tusk or a tusk which is like that special attribute of the marut-s. The a~nji of the
An example that illustrates how political medicine can be good. If there is strong political incentive or pressure to deliver what works rather than some good-sounding platitude then politicized medicine can be superior to non-political approaches -- incentives work. We saw how
Kagame reacted swiftly and I'd say reasonably effectively with the Wuhan disease. He also is trying to get vaccine produced locally with an eye on dissemination through Africa while using ivermectin. Likewise not this e.g., but increasingly in the west we see the reverse version
of political medicine where ideological incentives of navyonmAda addled academics and physicians bolstered by the piNDaka regime are driving contra-biological medical notions that are threatening to spread as practice. That combined with placing human life in the hands of
Now comes the interesting part that I suspected on first seeing the paper but did not get the time to investigate until recently. Their phylogenetic analysis looked faulty. A more unbiased analysis with maximum likelihood reveals that the claim of their new virus being a sister
group of both SARS1 and SARS2 looks rather shaky. Instead, it looks as though their new virus is member of the SARS2 clade, a sister group to both SARS2 and RaTG13. The SARS1 like clade is in turn a sister to this. It looks as though in the rush to claim an entirely new lineage
they biased their tree with lots of very closely related viral isolates that can only be termed strains or variants of their RaTG15. In conclusion all we can say is that they had several isolates specifically related to SARS2 in the Wuhan lab by 2015. Thus, the chances of some1