This is a crucial piece by @ThePlumLineGS, outlining why the Select Committee should explore the “white rage” behind the January 6 insurrection.

I’d like to add: The white nationalist threat doesn’t emanate from the fringes of society – but from the Republican Party itself. 1/
We must not miss the forest for the trees: “White rage” is not just a fringe phenomenon in American politics, and the people who stormed the Capitol were not just a bunch of frustrated individuals from the fringes of society. 2/
They also weren’t simply seduced and overwhelmed by Trump’s #BigLie – I reflected on why it would be dangerously misleading to imagine the insurrectionists as victims of brilliant propaganda here: 3/
Instead, Trump’s “Big Lie” about Democrats supposedly stealing the election from him can flourish because it channels and crystallizes certain ideological core claims and beliefs that have defined the American Right for a long time. 4/
Chief among them is the idea that only Republicans represent the will of "real" (read: white Christian patriarchal) America, while Democrats are representing a coalition of people who don’t deserve their place in the body politic. 5/
As a result, Democratic governance is seen as fundamentally illegitimate – and preventing Democratic rule by whatever means is therefore necessary to preserve “real” America. That’s the ideological basis on which the January 6 insurrectionists felt justified in their actions. 6/
The extent to which this type of white nationalism has become the mainstream position within the Republican Party – and the extent to which the GOP has become the party of white grievance – is best illustrated by the way it handles the “extremists” in its midst. 7/
Take Marjorie Taylor Greene, for instance. I generally believe that it’s best to ignore her extremist nonsense. This is different, however, because what is on display here isn’t just *her* extremism, her “white rage,” but that of the Republican Party itself. 8/
It’s too easy – and misleading – to focus on individual extremists like Greene and treat them like crazy outliers. What we really need to grapple with is the fact that holding such extremist views does not get you in trouble within the Republican Party. 9/
It’s not just Greene. Over the past few weeks there have been big stories about Rep. Andrew Clyde of Georgia, for instance – the guy who called the January 6 insurrection a “normal tourist visit” and refused to shake Officer Michael Fanone’s hand. 10/
cnn.com/2021/06/16/pol…
Or about Rep. Scott Perry, who compared Democrats to Nazis and described them as an unpatriotic threat to America – you’ll notice the similarities to what Greene said about AOC. 11/
Instead of pretending these are fringe figures in a big tent party, we should focus on the fact that the GOP is happy to accommodate such people, or the 147 Republicans who voted to overturn the election – or, of course, the insurrectionist-in-chief Donald Trump. 12/
Why is that? Because most Republicans – the vast majority of elected officials and over half of GOP voters – share the underlying ideology and agree with the political project of installing white conservative minority rule that animates people like Greene, Clyde, and Perry. 13/
The exact language Marjorie Taylor Greene uses might be slightly crasser than what some Republicans are comfortable with, and they might disagree with some aspects of the public image she projects. 14/
But substantively, what Greene says here basically represents the mainstream position among Republicans and has been conservative orthodoxy for quite some time – since long before Trump. 15/
In this view, Democrats are not just political opponents, but a radical, Socialist, Un-American political force, pursuing a fundamentally illegitimate political project of turning what is supposed to be a white Christian nation into a land of multiracial pluralism. 16/
There is nothing new about this either. How to define “real America”? And who are the people entitled to rule this land? Those questions have always been contested. 17/
The conflict between “civic nationalism” and “racial nationalism,” as historian @glgerstle puts it, has always shaped the American project. Those who clung to to a vision of America as a truly multiracial, truly pluralistic democracy have always fought an uphill battle. 18/
Meanwhile, the idea that America was a white Christian nation, and thus a place where white Christians – and wealthy white Christian men, in particular! – had a right to social and political dominance, has actually been the historical norm. 19/
Before the civil rights legislation of the 1960s, “democracy” in the U.S. described a system that was fairly democratic if you happened to be a white Christian man – and something entirely different if you were not. 20/
Until the 1960s, there was a pretty stable, bipartisan elite consensus that democracy should not interfere with the established power structure, and so the system was deliberately set up in a way that left white Christian male dominance largely untouched. 21/
While democracy had always been contested, it had not been, until that point, a partisan issue. Anti-democratic forces were spread across the parties: The Democratic Party, for instance, existed as an alliance between liberal democrats and white supremacist Dixiecrats. 22/
After World War II, however, the parties began to polarize over the question of whether the country should become a liberal, multiracial democracy: a system in which all citizens count equally and elect a representative government with majoritarian rules. 23/
Over time, one party came to advocate this liberal, multiracial version of democracy – while the other is committed to doing whatever it takes to prevent what conservatives believe would be the downfall of “real” (read: white Christian patriarchal) America. 24/
Since the 1960s, the GOP has been focusing ever more narrowly on the interests and anxieties of white conservatives; at the same time, the electorate has become ever more multiracial and pluralistic, due to cultural and demographic changes. 25/
In this situation, the longstanding anti-democratic impulses on the Right have become more pronounced, especially since the 90s – as has the tendency among conservatives to deny the political opponent any legitimacy while claiming to be sole representatives of “real America.” 26/
This ideology has shaped the Republican Party for a long time, as this great thread by @SethCotlar reminds us: Examples from 40 years of Newt Gingrich denigrating and demonizing Democrats as an Un-American threat that must not be allowed to destroy “real America.” 27/
This strand of anti-Democratic demonization culminated in the birtherism conspiracy, depicting Barack Obama as a socialist, Un-American “Other,” elected by an illegitimate coalition – and still, today, about 50 percent of Republicans are birthers. 28/
fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-b…
Such ideas are, at most, half a step removed from what the openly Trumpist “intellectual” sphere is pushing, the Claremont types: That whoever voted for Biden shouldn’t even be regarded as “American.” Over half the population: not part of the volk. 29/
It is crucial to recognize the political project that brings all of these groups and ideas together and unites the American Right: To prevent multi-racial, pluralistic democracy and defeat an enemy they perceive to be a threat to white Christian dominance. 30/
That’s what makes this situation so acutely dangerous. If they were truly just fringe individuals, the Marjorie Taylor Greenes of this world and the people who stormed the Capitol would have no chance of bringing democracy down. 31/
But there is a conservative base that supports them; a major party that elevates them; a rightwing intellectual sphere that provides fuel and cover for them. It’s a broad and radicalizing anti-democratic movement, and America’s pro-democracy forces need to acknowledge that. 32/
I’m not sure if the new Select Committee will have the guts to address this openly. It would certainly ruffle quite a few feathers, as it would attack the pervasive myth of white innocence that has been so foundational throughout America’s history. 33/
The dogma of white innocence holds that we have to go look for innocent explanations, explanations that portray white Americans as fundamentally decent, leave their innate goodness intact, and depict them as ultimately blameless for the very outcomes they pushed. 34/
And so we’ve heard about how the January 6 insurrectionists must have been animated by economic anxiety, by justified frustration with the system – or maybe just seduced and misled by the brilliant demagogue in the White House. 35/
While definitely shocking, in a longer-term historical perspective, the attack on the Capitol maybe wasn’t all that surprising – considering that significant steps towards multiracial democracy have almost always been accompanied by outbursts of white supremacist violence. 36/
In 2017, @AdamSerwer criticized the idea that Trump’s rise was anything but a white supremacist backlash against progress towards multiracial democracy as the “nationalist delusion.” Similarly, let’s not be delusional about what happened on January 6. 37/
theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Debating the nature and extent of “white rage” will be painful, maybe politically dangerous. But @ThePlumLineGS is right: If America wants to achieve the breakthrough towards multiracial democracy, it is a debate that needs to happen. 38/
These are perilous times for American democracy. But let’s not forget that reactionary forces are radicalizing because America really has become more liberal, more pluralistic, and is closer to being a truly multiracial democracy than it’s ever been. 39/
In this sense, that there is even a chance of having the kind of debate that @ThePlumLineGS demands is a testament to the fact that there has been real social, cultural, and racial progress. We’re experiencing an acutely dangerous situation – but also one of great promise. /end

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More from @tzimmer_history

28 Jun
Nikki Haley made some statements last week that provide an interesting window into the conservative psyche and help explain why even the “moderates” united behind Trump. Some thoughts: 1/
There’s obviously a lot of wannabe-tough nonsense in Nikki Haley’s statement. But it also expresses a feeling of being on the defensive, of being under siege, that is pervasive among conservatives – and has been for quite some time. 2/
“The days of being nice should be over” – time to get dirty, to fight back by whatever means. That, to me, is the underlying principle, the anxiety and energy that animates much of what is happening on the American Right. 3/
Read 32 tweets
23 Jun
Was this statement opposing federal initiatives to guarantee the right to vote made in:

A: 1869 (reaction to the 15th Amendment)
B: 1890 (justification for Jim Crow laws)
C: 1965 (reaction to the Voting Rights Act)
D: 2021 (justification for blocking the For the People Act)
The answer is D, but the only clue is the mention of S1 - because other than that it’s exactly how white supremacists have always justified their highly discriminatory election laws that were specifically designed to disenfranchise Blacks and anyone threatening their rule.
Seriously, if you know anything about the history of racism and white supremacy in this country, about how it took the federal government overriding “states’ rights” and forcing the states to respect Black people’s right to vote, you know how outrageous a statement this is.
Read 5 tweets
18 Jun
There are interesting parallels between the reaction of American conservatives to #Juneteenth becoming a federal holiday and the way West German conservatives despised the idea of celebrating May 8 as a “Day of Liberation” through much of the post-war period. Some thoughts: 1/
May 8, 1945 was, of course, the day Nazi Germany unconditionally surrendered to the Allies. It is widely celebrated in many countries, including the U.S., where it is known as VE Day: Victory in Europe Day. 2/
It was celebrated in one of the two post-war Germanies: The German Democratic Republic, which was part of the Eastern Bloc and defined its identity in discontinuity with Prussian and Nazi history, and explicitly (though inadequately) as a society of anti-fascists. 3/
Read 48 tweets
17 Jun
This piece is spot on: Instead of pretending that individual politicians are the problem, we need to acknowledge what @ThePlumLineGS calls the “larger truth”: That the Republican Party itself has become an anti-democratic force and an acute threat to American democracy. 1/
As @ThePlumLineGS rightfully notes, not every Republican has gone as far as Rep. Andrew Clyde of Georgia in their open disdain for democracy, the rule of law, and those who protected it on January 6. 2/
But let’s remember that calling the insurrection a "normal tourist visit," as Clyde famously did, or acting the way he did towards a man who risked his own life to defend American democracy, does not get you in trouble within the Republican Party. 3/
Read 20 tweets
16 Jun
This is as grotesque and inflammatory a lie as any Trump has ever told.

And in today’s GOP, that’s totally fine. Truth, decency, norms: None of that matters. Who cares if the “Libs” are guilty of this particular crime - they’re an “Un-American” menace, and so anything goes.
Let’s be clear how deranged and dangerous this is. This is one of the leaders of a major party accusing the political opponent of deliberately allowing the killing of newborns, and women and medical personnel who are dealing with incredibly hard decisions of murder.
As with many of these bizarre rightwing lies and demonizations: Imagine having your mind poisoned by this stuff day in and day out, until you start to believe it’s an accurate characterization of the political opponent - or at the very least *could* be true of the enemy.
Read 6 tweets
15 Jun
And if Germany’s “conservative” party were to enact such a Holocaust ban as part of a general attempt to restrict critical debate and punish dissenters, U.S. journalists and observers would not hesitate to warn of this anti-democratic, far-right, authoritarian faction.
I find such hypothetical analogies very instructive. Because of the Holocaust’s prominent place in the American national imaginary, they sharpen the awareness for how a society chooses to address the mass crimes it committed in the past, and their lasting legacies in the present.
I know Bryan Stevenson, the founder of @eji_org, often talks about discussing the death penalty with a German audience, and how outrageous it would be for the post-1945 German state to keep executing people, and for Germany to execute a disproportionately high number of Jews.
Read 6 tweets

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