The legal challenge to New Zealand’s C19 lockdown in Mar/Apr 2020 continues in Court of Appeal today, after Borrowdale challenges two grounds he lost before High Court (scope of health orders; essential businesses list). Snippets below explain background. #BorrowdaleRound2
Snippets are from a note of mine:
“Stamping out Covid-19 in New Zealand: legal pragmatism and democratic legitimacy” [2021] Public Law 241.
Whether the Health Act power to “isolate or quarantine” people allows a medical officer of health to issue a stay-at-home order for the entire country, regardless of suspicion of infection, is key issue IMV.
Key question is how to interpret words: liberally, in light of emergency purpose etc; conservatively, in way that preserves mobility rights.
The other ground relating to alleged improper delegation of list of essential businesses exception is a technical one. A bit messy but doesn’t implicate heart of lockdown. (And HC’s reasoning when dismissing this ground was a bit weird…).
The scope of health order ground has been debated amongst the academy, since the orders were first imposed.
Profs Geiringer and Geddis favour the narrow interpretation of the power:
Geiringer and Geddis, ‘Judicial deference and emergency power: A perspective on Borrowdale v Director-General’ (2020) 31 Public Law Review 376.
For some other takes, see also:
- MB Rodriguez Ferrere, ‘Borrowdale v Director-General of Health: An Unlawful But Justified National Lockdown’ (2020) 31 Public Law Review 234;
- E Willis, ‘Borrowdale and Executive Power’ (2020) New Zealand Law Journal 397;
- H Wilberg, ‘Interpreting Pandemic Powers: Qualifications to the Principle of Legality’ (2020) 31 Public Law Review 370.
- J McLean and others, ‘Legality in times of emergency: assessing NZ’s response to Covid-19’ (2021) 51 Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand S197
FWIW, my take — nodded to in my ‘Stamping Out’ note and original blog post below — has been that purpose of emergency power expects its scope to be interpreted liberally (with rights-consistency better assessed in the exercise of the power, not gateway).
And, ofc, this case is about legal tools used to enact lockdown, ie authority and scope — not policy choice or ultimate wisdom to lockdown. Most folk I know arguing for a narrow interpretation of power, incl Borrowdale, don’t quibble with merits of decision to lockdown per se.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Apologies to my fellow trainspotters but core uni duties (our first LAWS213 classes on admin law and judicial review) trump spectating today — so I’m dipping in-and-out of the hearing
I’ll try and catch up on events at the tea break. But the NZLS has finished and now the Solictor-General, Jagose QC, is on her feet leading the govt’s case.
Judges have arrived. Farmer QC et al for Borrowdale; Solicitor-General et al for govt (good to see SG appearing herself); NZLS intervening. Gallery full — except the broken seat (my favourite at the back right).
Housekeeping about order, timing and 10min non-interruption rule. Court takes different views on when NZLS should appear. Court suggests argument could be done in 1 day — but Farmer doubts. Wisely, Farmer engages 10min rule.
High Court declines to grant interim orders stopping vaccine roll out in New Zealand, in wide-ranging judicial review challenge to provisional approval of Pfizer vaccine and roll out.
However, Court observes that it is "reasonably arguably" that provisional approval is "problematic" because s 23 of the Medicines Act 1981 contemplates provisional approval only for "treatment of a limited number of patients" (~ all those 16+ prob not limited number).
That question will ultimately be decided, in the usual way, at the substantive hearing of application for judicial review. The judge's comments about whether there is a *reasonably arguable* case are not definitive, ie only for interim purposes after limited argument/evidence.
Our #laws522 postgrad class @VicUniWgtn convenes today to dive into and critique some hot public law scholarship — ideas, anatomy, argument and context. Always an exciting (and heady) day! 🤓
First up @PeterTMcKenzie, grappling with McLean’s sketch of NZ’s political (“insider, elite”) constitution - and the threat from legalism. #laws522
Next, @HannahReynecke dips into Harlow’s piece on the (redundant?) public—private divide — and challenges in bridging the spheres, esp in context of digitisation. (But what of te Tiriti?)
A quick recap on New Zealand’s constitutional brouhaha this week about the election date, as requested by some abroad. /1
Election day was scheduled for 19 Sep 2020. In accordance with a developing convention (?), the PM had announced this date well in advance, in late January. /2
Despite the pandemic, progress towards that date was going full steam ahead — esp as NZ had avoided community cases of Covid for several months. Campaigns were launched. Arrangements were made for campaigning and voting etc. /3
Some are suggestions there might be a constitutional imbroglio today around PM’s call on whether election should or should not be deferred due to the lockdown in Auckland etc. I reckon it will probably turn out to be a bit of a fizzer! 🤷🏻♂️
PM has sole right to advise GG to dissolve Parliament for election. The previous process to do so was paused just prior to formal ceremony due to alert level change. We’ll know at 10am today what the PM’s intends to do — or, if she sticks with dissolution, perhaps has done.
Dissolution for an election is not subject to usual Cabinet decision-making deliberation (I understand) but PM will be mindful of views of others - incl views of coalition partner NZ First which wants it delayed. It’s still her sole call though.