I think there’s an enormous value in adaptive policymaking. It starts from mapping the environment, identifying uncertainties, and assigning values to possible outcomes. Doing this for the long term is inherently uncertain. /1
Whether Brexit is good or bad in the long term is inherently uncertain because we don’t know what the future will be. But what we know is that it’s contingent on two major variables: (a) the UK’s capacity to outperform EU in key aspects of policy, (b) EU ability to carry on. /2
Re (a), how likely is it that the UK outperforms the EU in domestic and intl policy? That a smaller market will exert greater influence globally? That it will be able to do freely what it wants domestically? And that it will not be diminished by the unraveling of the union? /3
Re (b), how likely is it that the EU ceases to be in the long term? That its market loses its gravitational force? That the union will be ineffective in what it does to the extent that it collapses? /4
We don’t know what Brexit will mean in the long term, because it’s impossible to know that, but we can identify factors on which that outcome depends. And, most people will have a degree of belief about (a) and (b) and be able to make reasonable judgements it on that basis. /End
*about it

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More from @AntonSpisak

21 Jul
Some thoughts on the UK's new Command Paper on Northern Ireland, what it means, and where it leaves us.

(A thread)
The first section - the Govt's take on "how we got here" - is an extraordinary attempt to rewrite history.

We are told that we are in the current mess because of (1) Theresa May, (2) Parliament (Benn-Burt Act), & (3) the EU. Everybody but the man who agreed to the deal.
Then, there is a section describing how the Govt did not foresee those issues. Except that the Govt's own IA of the WA/NIP from October 2019 clearly stated the consequences of the Protocol, and Johnson kept quiet about it to win GE 2019.
Read 29 tweets
9 Jul
Article 16 of NI Protocol is unique. It is unusual to have a general "safeguard" provision like this - a provision which allows either side to unilaterally suspend parts of a treaty without a dispute.

Here's a bit of niche EU legal history to ask where A16 comes from. A thread:
This provision is actually taken directly from the 1992 EEA Agreement. Look at the text of A112 of the EEA Agmt and you'll see that it is identical to A16 of the Protocol.

Surprising? Not really. In essence, both are about EU law and conditions under which it can be disapplied.
Its function in the EEA Agmt is to provide a de-facto "emergency break" on the application of single market rules in the event of exceptional circumstances. Originally, it was included to give EEA states some extra time to transpose relevant EU laws into their legal orders.
Read 12 tweets
8 Jul
Lord Frost tells the Policy Exchange event this morning that the UK government will set out its approach to the Northern Ireland Protocol "in the next week or two" and "before the summer recess"
A lot of emphasis from Lord Frost and Brandon Lewis on the impacts of the Protocol: societal impacts and trade diversion.

They say that their "understanding" of the Protocol, at the time when it was signed, was that it was going to work differently.
It sounds to me like a government lawyer, somewhere in the deep corridors of Whitehall, has been instructed to prepare an Article 16 case.
Read 5 tweets
28 Jun
Whether true or not, there’s an important question over the legitimacy of using WhatsApp and other messaging apps for the conduct of official government business. From my own experience, messaging apps are used routinely for that and there need to be clear rules over their use.
In my view, the basic rules for using messaging apps for the conduct of official business should be:

- Use of apps only from Govt phones;
- Monitored and recorded in the same was as Govt email;
- Subject to FOI requests in the same way as other Govt comms channels.
Ministers and civil servants using apps on their private phones for making government decisions and/of coordinating government business – in such a way that cannot be subject to public scrutiny – should be prohibited by law.

It’s simply harmful for democracy.
Read 5 tweets
9 Jun
I’ve written in @prospect_uk with a little radical idea for how to make the Northern Ireland Protocol work.

It’s radical because it requires both sides to compromise. But for a small price, it could deescalate tensions & make the protocol more stable. /1
prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/how-t…
The debate about sausages/chilled meat/pet passports/etc distracts from a more fundamental question that needs addressing:

Whether all goods produced in Great Britain but intended for sale *only* in Northern Ireland need checks upon arrival to NI. /2
I suggest not. There’s little risk of this kind of goods posing a threat to the integrity of the EU single market. And it is these goods which undermine the UK internal market, feed into the Unionist concerns, & lead to potentially unpredictable consequences on the ground. /3
Read 18 tweets
3 Jun
My piece in @Independent on the big question that much of Whitehall is desperately trying to figure out: now that Brexit is over, what do we do with the “sovereignty dividend”?

(Read beyond the headline, which isn’t mine)
I argue that the UK urgently needs a post-Brexit regulatory strategy and suggest three starting principles:

1. Minimise pointless divergence whenever it is not in the UK’s interests
2. Seek divergence from the EU only in areas with meaningful opportunities
Read 4 tweets

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