Thread by @setoacnna 👇 explaining important U.K. judgement, which rejected long-standing “gender critical” legal arguments as hopeless.

Adding a few comments of mine 1/
‘Legal feminist’ a group / website led by the junior barrister who represented the unsuccessful claimant hopes there’ll be much more litigation by anti-trans people and trans victims of discrimination 2/
I can see why lawyers hope for litigation. AEA took in around £100K from their supporters for legal fees. (The court was told the junior barrister acted for free in this case - so that went to solicitors and the QC) 2/
But when a case fails as badly as this one, that doesn’t suggest there will be more. Why should businesses risk litigation by changing their practices, when the court has *upheld* EHRC’s long-standing guidance? 3/
And having lost here, why would anti-trans campaigners think litigating the same kinds of issues is the right way forwards? Wouldn’t it make more sense to campaign to change the law? 4/
But their strategic litigation strategy does make sense - if you don’t see the objective as winning at court. 5/
Taking hard cases which lose can be strategic. It publicises the issue and can bring home how the law is wrong.

Litigation can run alongside campaigning for law reform. 6/
Maybe that’s the GC strategy here. Take cases to show the injustice / unworkability of existing equality laws.

But this may be a real struggle. Because those cases require actual individuals who claim to have suffered harm - not just rhetorical/theoretical tweets. 7/
Losing cases is also very expensive. That’s why you rarely see campaigning NGOs and charities lose legal cases. They’re reluctant to go to court unless their prospects are good.

But that doesn’t seem to be a concern for GC campaigners. 8/
Maybe fund-raising for litigation is a movement-building activity. The case may be hopeless and all the money will go to lawyers, but supporters who give money feel invested in the case, it’s a kind of activism. 9/
Being on the receiving end of litigation is also expensive. Even if the court orders the campaigners to pay the legal costs, the business / body on the receiving end will always have unmet costs of staff time. And possibly reputation. 10/
Threats of litigation - however hopeless - can create a hostile environment, subtly influencing decision-makers to avoid trouble. 11/
But if the real aims are not to win in court, but only to build solidarity and wear down / pressure business and statutory bodies, that’s not a public position GC campaigners admit to. Their fund raising depends on promise of success. 👇
There may be parallels with the long-standing Christian Legal Centre’s approach to litigation, which seems more about going to court because it’s morally correct / the only way to raise publicity 13/
Indeed, UK GC campaigners have talked openly about how far-right Christian funding could come to them for court cases. Though it’s unclear how much - if any - of this money has been used to fund their cases. 14/
With other campaigns, institution-building (offices, staff, membership lists) is usually done long before litigation. Which may make for a more cautious litigation strategy.

Afaik GCs don’t have democratic structures or collective responsibility. AEA is a one woman CIC 15/
So the promise of more law cases may never be realised. Supporters may start to doubt promises of legal victory by people like Anne Sinnott who explain AEA’s failure as “the judge didn’t understand our brilliant argument” (er, why didn’t you appeal then?) 16/
As for the claim that the AEA judgment didn’t set a legal precedent - the judgment *is* legally citeable in other cases. And if others try the same daft arguments, they may have to pay the legal costs of doing so. 17/
But more likely IMO is that we will eventually see other cases, even if only from manufactured situations, like those where GC campaigners confront publicans or trans folk having a quiet pint. 18/
Why would there be more cases? Because GC campaigners have shown real ability in funding litigation (even hopeless cases), and they will play to that strength 19/19

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More from @SimonFRCox

20 Aug
Now ‘LGBA’ attack NGOs working for LGBTQI+ asylum-seekers, based on claim that someone can’t find published info about persecution in an *unidentified* country.

Most likely explanation: there *isn’t* reliable info to publish about persecution there. ImageImage
LGBA hasn’t identified the country or missing reliable material or asked NGOs to publish it.

They haven’t done any work. Instead they are trying to undermining credibility of orgs who do. Orgs whose credibility matters for asylum-seekers they claim to care about.
This isn’t how LG allies behave. Real allies would raise problem directly with the - really hard pressed - NGOs who specialise in working for LG asylum-seekers.

Neither original tweeter nor LGBA says they’ve done this. Instead they tweet criticism that can’t be addressed.
Read 4 tweets
17 Aug
IMO UK immigration strong general policy of refusing to concede first-level Tribunal appeals stems from 2 Ministerial policies:
1. For consistency, only senior case workers can approve positive asylum decisions. (Juniors don’t need approval to refuse tho!) +
2. Net migration targets meant HO would rather fight very weak cases, because they win a few and can blame the others on judges. (Migration targets dropped but culture unchanged so far.) +
Read 4 tweets
17 Aug
I’d put one thing differently: refugees do have agency. They want to shape their futures.

Refugees aren’t a different kind of human. They’re humans in a terrible situation. Their agency is denied - they want it back.

We are all potentially refugees.
Maybe authors of the Geneva Convention should have spoken of “people in a refugee situation”.

Labelling people as a category can be a powerful device but it also underpins othering.
Some refugees don’t like the label. They want to stop “being refugees” and move on.

But some own the label and that’s fine too.

I’d want to listen to refugees on it. This is great. Ht @michelleknorr
Read 4 tweets
16 Aug
THREAD. 100 years ago, Britain gave safe haven to 250,000 Belgians fleeing war.

Can UK do the same today for Afghanis?

Does U.K. suspend its anti-refugee policy - or will it abandon British exceptionalism? 1/12
I feel anti-refugee strategies depend on a coalition of:

-the complacent (“world is pretty safe, anyhow they can go back to France”) &

- the scared (“world is dangerous, they’ll all come here”).

1st lot want Gov to do just enough. 2nd lot want Gov not to do too much 2/
Patel’s strategy has been overtly aimed at the complacent - “legal routes & safe countries”.

(While she feeds press to keep the drumbeat of fear).

UK presented as strong, fair - not weak. 3/
Read 12 tweets
29 Jul
tweeps: there’s a huge gulf between …. the quality of debate & discussion I see on here - and …: the reasoning from many of the paid opinionists in U.K. broadsheet press +
+ I follow liberals, Liberals, leftists, anarchists, Tories, self-described centrists and people I’ve no label for. A few professional opinionists but most have other jobs/pastimes.

I find the quality of thinking (& the honesty about what isn’t known) humbling. +
+ of course there grandstanding and bs and even some bad faith.

But if I log on - I find dozens of thoughtful tweets, often showing an angle or a data point I hadn’t seen. Hundreds of people willing to expose themselves to rebuttal, disagreement… +
Read 4 tweets
23 Jul
Thread on me & my take on Twittiquette / blocking for (new) followers - and trolls. 1/
I tweet mostly on politics (UK/international) & law.

Sometimes I tweet and RT a lot. Sometimes not at all.

I try to be explicit - to minimise “read between the lines” of my tweets.

But I also use GIFs.

RT/like ≠ agreement (unless you know I like you).
2/
I try and engage. If you tweet me the way you’d like to be tweeted at, you’re likely to get a (serious) response.

I realise it’s easy to misunderstand and be misunderstood here.

I aspire to patience/kindness. But also - I am so not perfect. 3/
Read 9 tweets

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