Germany now faces weeks - if not months - of political uncertainty which creates all sorts of policy risk for Europe. A real danger in the months ahead is a lengthy period without a new voice of any kind in Berlin, just as France plunges into an uncertain election of its own 1/
Because EU faces three extremely big, complex policy questions in the third & fourth quarter this year - over Rule of Law issues with Pol & Hungary; the EU's fiscal orientation in 2023 & how to manage UK escalation over NI Protocol - which are crying out for a political steer 2/
But with a lame-duck Govt now in Berlin, soon to be followed by same in Paris, no major EU policy decisions are likely under either. This risk is the problems fester, escalate & subsequently become harder to resolve 3/
Moreover once a decision is made & a new Chancellor is in power, the demands & logic of office will force either Scholz or Laschet to take a grip of Germany's innate importance & advance its interests in EU debate. But *how effectively* they will do this also remains v unclear 4/
Put differently: it was obvious that Merkel's departure would negatively impact the EU's leadership & coherence. Whether this is temporal or structural is too early to say. But the fact Scholz' & Laschet's campaign performances make the question necessary is not a good sign 5/
On policy risks. Take the rule of law issues in Poland & Hungary. Regardless of who leads the next Govt in Berlin, there is a perception that “Merkel let this issue get out of hand”, as one senior German official tells me, and that Germany now needs to “course correct”6/
This pressure in Berlin coincides with developments in Bxl, where @EU_Commission finds itself under increasing pressure from @Europarl_EN to take a stand against both member states & not disburse monies allocated to them under the Recovery Fund (€57bn for Pol, €16bn for Hu) 7/
But the EU's case against both Warsaw & Budapest is not as legally tight as MEP’s would have you believe. As one EU27 Sherpa told me: “We are now giving the EU a role and competence it does not have - to judge constitutional issues in member states...” 8/
“In spite of a lot of propaganda in the EP, the EU does not have a real Rule of Law mechanism, but an anti-fraud mechanism. It is a protection for EU taxpayers. But the political debate in the EP is not about the misuse of EU funds, but the general state of politics in Pol & Hu”
Seen from this vantage point, officials in @EU_Commission & many EU capitals (bar Denmark & Netherlands) believe @Europarl_EN is trying to implement by stealth what it failed to achieve at last December's European Council - when ostensible “Rule of Law” mechanism was agreed 10/
Merkel always managed to keep EU27 united, albeit at some cost. How effective Scholz or Laschet will be at navigating this fine line - EU’s tenuous legal instruments combined with strong opposition from Warsaw & Budapest - & where it could all lead remains very unclear indeed 11/
Another big policy risk I've tweeted about a lot that the next German Chancellor will have to navigate is what to do about EU fiscal rules & Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) that's due to come back into force in 2023 12/
While Scholz is no fiscal hawk, he is pragmatic. And with FDP probably playing a key role in his Govt (with Lindner widely tipped as next finance minister) he is likely to be reluctant to fundamentally overhaul the SGP 13/
This is esp because FDP, while paying lip service to Germany’s debt brake, will be forced to agree more spending at home (most likely using off-budget investment SPV & re-purposed borrowing from 2021). Could more fiscal space in Germany come at expense of flexibility in EU? 14/
With pressure from Lindner, Scholz will be less effective at standing up to fiscal hawks, especially Dutch, who are pushing hard for full reimplementation of SGP in 2023 - not in belief that will happen, but to provide baseline from which negotiations must then take place 15/
As one well placed German official told me: “The room for something really new and sensible is much smaller than people think.” Another senior EU official concurs with this view: “The risk of disaster is higher than the probability of success” 16/
More fiscal space for green investments & a more gradual pace of debt reduction remain more likely than not. Perhaps the principle will win & magnitude will lose. But expectation in Paris, Bxl & Berlin yesterday was that Govt WONT have a strong position on this until Jan 17/
The last policy risk is Brexit - on which Scholz & Laschet have said little. But what if UK triggers Article 16 at Tory Party Conference on 3-6 Oct? Delegating to @EU_Commission is of course the default line. But it's unlikely to get the two sides off the escalator they're on 18/
So yes, Germany’s election result does create political uncertainty at home. But the bigger picture is already clear: we are looking at a period of weaker German leadership in Europe - with all of the associated policy risks that will bring
Covid has been good for the EU.
It is now both more cohesive and resilient as a result of the pandemic, compared to before it. But are EU policymakers on the verge of committing another historic fiscal mistake? Thread 1/
Two reasons explain EU’s greater resilience post-Covid
1) The creation of Recovery Fund (RF), which has enabled significant EU-wide borrowing, subsequently transferred to member states as grants. This is facilitating their economic recovery, without increasing their debts 2/
2) Populism has had a bad crisis. This is partly because of RF. Take Italy's case: It's hard to argue against €180bn (10.5% of GDP). Hence the nationalist far-right League led by @matteosalvinimi has largely shut up & entered into reform-oriented coalition led by Mario Draghi 3/
The review to reform EU fiscal rules begins soon. 3 key points: 1/ Process brings risks; 2/ There's an emerging consensus on debt, not investments; 3/ COM is toying with completely overhauling governance - empowering members states to determine their own fiscal trajectories 1/
Process is key - & brings risks. Member states must submit Stability & Convergence Programs to Bxl by mid-Apr. For this they'll need an idea of what fiscal rules in 2023 will be. But we'll only have a new Govt in Berlin in.. Dec? Maybe Jan? That leaves Q1 next yr to do a deal 2/
Absent consensus, COM may be forced to issue a Communique - instead of concrete legislative proposals - pointing to what new rules will likely be. It's here when fiscal hawks (@VDombrovskis is key) will likely urge old rules & EDPs to apply - despite tightening they imply 3/
So it's good there's a compromise over social care. But the bigger picture has been totally lost in the details of today's debate - namely that the UK is already aiming at tighter fiscal policy, while ROW & certainly the EU remains very focussed on supporting the econ recovery 1/
This is largely borne out of differences between @BorisJohnson and @RishiSunak. The PM wants to spend on levelling up, subsidising net-zero, new manifesto commitments and much more besides. He has his eye on the Red Wall 2/
Sunak thinks spending was ALREADY too high pre ~£400bn Govt has spent on Covid relief & is worried about debt servicing costs (given BoE projections of 4% inflation). He also wants to (re)build the party's credibility on fiscal policy vs Labour & is channeling Tory members 3/
On achievements. I think Merkel’s main one is fact she stands for reassuring stability - domestically & internationally. She has been unimaginative about reforming EU, BUT her attention to detail & emotional intelligence have helped EU weather countless crises over past 16 yrs
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She has also competently managed Germany's prosperity after her predecessor pushed through important supply side reforms that made the economy more competitive. BUT it's quite difficult to think of flagship domestic reforms which have taken place during the Merkel era
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So UK-EU relations are set to come back into focus in a big way in Sept. Not bc the end of month deadline - that should be ignored. But bc the gaps between the two on the Protocol are so huge, it's unclear if a compromise can be found without serious drama in between
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On timing: @EU_Commission proposals to HMG command paper will need to be socialised with EU capitals & @Europarl_EN. So the parameters of what's poss on EU side will only be clear towards the end of the month. That makes an extension to grace periods almost inevitable
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This won't be the “standstill” @DavidGHFrost is demanding. EU officials are clear that can only happen if HMG dynamically aligns to EU rulebook in intervening period. This is more about giving space for talks to succeed. Can they?
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