This is an essay about online politics by Wang Taotao 王陶陶. He says, basically: ideological confrontation with the West has sped up the decline of Chinese liberalism, and a generation born decades on from Reform and Opening are unenthusiastic about the market economy.
Identified with openness to the West, liberalism is untenable in an age of conflict with the United States. He compares the decline of liberalism to the decline of pan-Asianism in the '30s and the shock delivered to pro-Soviet intellectuals in the wake of the Sino-Soviet split.
The second factor is a generational split: people born in the '60s, '70s, even to some extent the '80s were beneficiaries of Reform and Opening, when a college degree was a ticket to the good life. This is no longer the case. There is increasing skepticism of the market economy.
"A new generation, rather than enjoying economic freedom and rights, feels 'oppressed' by the market economy." What follows is a discussion of the housing market and working conditions for educated young people. Work yourself to death and you still can't make it.
Since Wang Taotao's analysis is supposedly from a public security perspective, he gives us the negative example of Kita Ikki 北一輝: a man that grew up in an age of prosperity, but who rejected liberalism to become an architect of Japanese fascism. An interesting example.
He identifies a few turning points in online public opinion, the first of which being the rise of demotivational thinking 颓废思想 in 2016-2017. Basically, all the slacker memes and talk of involution 内卷, acknowledgement of how everything is pointless...
He also identifies a trend of hatred of the wealthy elite. There are examples. I'm skipping them. He says this is not a political reaction, but an expression of economic dissatisfaction. I don't understand his argument or the dates he's chosen. But there it is.
He gets back on track: the party-state and a young generation not invited to partake in the prosperity monopolized by the last generation have formed a pact that has wiped out a liberal tendency (in online public opinion, at least, since that's the focus here).
The problem, though, is even if the advocates of liberalism are silenced, an illiberal party-state is still guaranteeing market competition and bourgeois property rights. That's how you get to Kita Ikki attacking the capitalists under the royalist, nationalist banner.
Again, analyzing this from a question of national security, he suggests that the natural outcome of external deterioration and illiberal public discourse might be a young generation calling for leaders to discipline the propertied class and ensure order.
I would say that he's calling for the leadership to get there first—keep the liberals silent, discipline the wealthy, deliver benefits to a young generation shut out of luxury that's seemingly omnipresent but unattainable, and ensure order—but I couldn't say for sure.
And you can read it for yourself, here: zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/372821868.

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More from @dylanleviking

5 Jun
There are plenty of '90s 抗日sploitation films—Comfort Women Unit 74 慰安妇七十四分队 (1994) and Doomsday Killer 末日杀手 (1993) among them—but Den of the Milkers 人奶魔巢 (1990) might be the least serious, revolving around a plot about the Japanese farming women for their milk.
The breast milk is being used for some sort of serum to strengthen Japanese men. It could be an interesting concept, like an allegory for depraved imperialist masculinity or whatever... And put in some milking scenes! There's a lot of sadistic torture, but little milking.
Of course, eventually, the agents infiltrate and then launch an all-out assault, turning everyone to hamburger with machine guns. Pretty impressive blending of Hong Kong exploitation esthetic and patriotic anti-Japanese cinema, here.
Read 6 tweets
29 May
The methaqualone claim is not exactly true, or, like with fentanyl, a sliver of the larger story. But it starts with the idea that China was using heroin to fight American imperialism in Indochina, covered in books like Red Cocaine, which suggests Zhou Enlai was running things.
The idea of heroin coming from Red China has less truth than the methaqualone story. But through the 1950s and '60s, anticommunism was a reliable way for Harry J. Anslinger to sell war on drugs—and, then, for the China lobby to sell their war on communism.
British customs agents reported no seizures of heroin from Red China after 1949, for example, and it didn't appear that they were just missing shipments. ("Bureaucratic Cold Warrior: Harry J. Anslinger and Illicit Narcotics Traffic"). The story kept going, though.
Read 7 tweets
26 May
I'd never heard of the claim that China was flooding America with methaqualone in the '80s, pushed by Reagan friend and drug warrior Paula Hawkins. Her later claims to have demanded to Deng Xiaoping's face that he stop selling dope helped Bob Graham defeat her in 1986. Image
By 1986, Qualuudes had been taken off the market and methaqualone was rescheduled to make it completely illegal. The market for bootleg pills was evaporating. Paula Hawkins here describes the "yellow trail of methaqualone": c-span.org/video/?150709-…. Might be true. I don't know.
By 1990, when Larouche publication Executive Intelligence Review raised the specter of "Communist Quaaludes for America," I don't know if you could still find fake Quaaludes. Maybe you could. The idea of Kissinger facilitating Deng's narco-state is fun, though. ImageImageImageImage
Read 4 tweets
27 Nov 20
Yi-hung Liu has a paper—"The World Comes to Iowa in the Cold War: International Writing Program and the Translation of Mao Zedong"—on another part of the American project of shaping Chinese literature. The International Writing Program was started by Paul Engle and his wife... Image
...Hualing Nieh Engle 聂华苓, two members of the Iowa crew that included Richard M. McCarthy, HK USIS head. The CIA had funded Engle's Writers' Workshop, and the IWP was a scheme to bring in writers from outside the free world to hear the gospel of American freedom. ImageImageImageImage
Writers from unfree states were granted a chance at liberation—a "left-liberal ideal of international integration." Like in HK and TW, the emphasis was not on anticommunism, but on individualism, becoming a global citizen (in a world governed by the United States). ImageImageImageImage
Read 12 tweets
27 Nov 20
Richard M. McCarthy was Eileen Chang's handler, planning her anticommunist output, and the shadowy figure that ran the ideological fight against communist influence in Chinese-language literature. An important figure in modern Chinese literary history, he's rarely acknowledged. ImageImage
An Iowa boy with a degree in American literature, he was given a job at the US Information Service China while working at the Beijing consulate. It's interesting that work actually continued in the PRC—at least for a short time, until the reds booted them out. ImageImageImageImage
He wound up in Hong Kong. This 1988 interview by the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project is a bit vague. "We discovered Eileen Chang," he says, but forgets the second anticommunist novel she produced for USIS (it was Naked Earth). ImageImageImageImage
Read 9 tweets
27 Nov 20
Mei-hsiang Wang 王梅香 explains that the Cultural Cold War being waged by the "U.S. aid literary institution" 美援文艺体制 against red ideology was about more than a few magazines, and about more than just Taiwan and Hong Kong, extending out to greater East Asia and the diaspora. ImageImageImageImage
Translation and popularization of American works in HK-TW were crucial, but maybe just as important was selling the diaspora on the idea that Free China was the source of authentic Chinese culture. Part of that was Eileen Chang's anticommunist efforts, funded and planned by USIS.
Those books were also shipped off to shore up the propaganda effort in Japan, where there was quite a bit of sympathetic interest in Red China. (From "Reporting on 'China' in a 'Novel' Way," also by Mei-hsiang Wang, all about USIS-Tokyo translations of Chinese literature.) ImageImageImageImage
Read 4 tweets

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