In 1001 Basil marched his army from Constantinople to Preslav and Pliska, quickly taking the much weakened cities. Basil then took the city of Silistra on the Danube, beating back Bulgar counterattacks. With the north secure, Basil marched to Komotini in Thrace to winter.
In 1002, Basil continued the campaign by attacking key forts around Thessaloniki and recaptured Larissa. Once the area was secured, Basil moved back north to the Danube and besieged the castle of Vidin.
Vidin was Samuel’s base before he became Tsar and was a key fortress for controlling the Danube river valley. The castle withstood an eight month siege, but fell when the bishop betrayed the defenders to the Byzantines.
By the end of 1003, Basil controlled all of Danubian Bulgaria and had secured key forts in northern Greece, isolating the Bulgars to their strongholds in the mountains. Samuel’s recognized that the situation had become dire and sprung into action.
In an effort to derail Basil’s methodical dismemberment of his kingdom, Samuel led a daring raid on Adrianople. The city was celebrating a festival and the Bulgars were able to take the garrison by surprise, sacking the wealthy city. Samuel quickly left with plunder in tow.
Basil was too far north to react in time, but began to move south from Vidin and into the mountains, destroying Bulgar castles on the way. Basil found Samuel’s army near the town of Skopje, camped on the west bank of the Axios River in spring of 1004.
The river was flooded and Samuel did not believe Basil would be able to cross. Samuel let his guard down. This mistake spelled disaster for his army.
Basil’s soldiers found a fors and crossed the river, launching a surprise attack on the Bulgar camp. Samuel escaped but the spoils from Adrianople and the whole camp, including the royal tent, fell into Basil’s hands.
Basil took advantage of the situation and besieged Skopje. The town was quickly surrender by its governor, Romanos. Basil welcomed the son of the old Tsar Peter and made him a patrician and the governor of Abydos.
Even more devastating for Samuel was the loss of Dyrrhachium, the strategic port city on the Adriatic.
The city was under control of Ashot Taronites, Samuel’s Byzantine son-in-law and captive. Ashot fled to Constantinople with Samuel’s daughter and surrendered the city to the Byzantines. A naval squadron was sent to the city and its was taken without a fight.
After Skopje, the war developed into a stalemate in the mountains. Basil attempted to take the formidable Bulgar strongholds while Samuel looked for a chance to breakout from his encirclement. In 1009, he found an opening.
Samuel pushed out from the mountains and began raiding around Thessaloniki, Basil’s army caught them east of the city and soundly defeated them. Samuel retreated and the conflict returned to a frustrating stalemate.
Basil; however, did not only have Bulgaria to worry about. Trouble was brewing in Italy and soon war would return to that region.
The literary sources we have do not give any specific accounts to the Varangians during this campaign, but we can assume they were the core of Basil’s army during this time.
The cavalry-centric Tagmata were not well-suited for mountain ambushes and assaulting fortresses, two things the Varangians excelled at, as attested by Basil’s uninterrupted success with their 6,000 strong contingent at the core of his army.
The Varangian Guard’s indispensability will convince Basil to dispatch a contingent with Catepan (Byzantine governor of southern Italy) Basil Mesardonites in 1010 to crush the ever-restless Lombards.
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Saint-Emperor Nikephoros Phokas dedicated his life to defeating the Muslim Emirates that for centuries had attacked Byzantium.
His success was so complete that the military manual he penned with his brother Leo, the Praecepta Militaria, begins with an apology:
“[The treatise might not offer] much application in the eastern regions at the present time. For Christ, our true God, has greatly cut back the power and strength of the offspring of Ishmael and has repelled their onslaughts…
Nonetheless, in order that time, which leads us to forget what we once knew, might not completely blot out this useful knowledge, we think we ought to commit it to writing…
Today, 570 years ago, Ottoman Janissaries poured over the Theodosian Walls.
The Genoese fled when their leader, Giovanni Giustiniani, was injured. The Emperor threw himself into the hopeless struggle & died with his men.
After over 2,000 years, the Roman Empire was no more.
The final siege of Constantinople is the last chapter in the swan song of the Late Byzantine Empire & a dramatic tale of betrayal, duty, determination, honor, and horror.
In 1449, Emperor John VIII died & his brother Constantine XI took the throne. Crowned in a small ceremony in Mystras, Constantine was never coronated by the Patriarch in Constantinople thanks to his support for a Union with the Papacy, an unpopular movement in Byzantium.
The fact that the Byzantines basically forgot they ruled Sardinia will always be funny to me.
After the Muslim conquest of Sicily, Sardinia was isolated from the rest of the empire. The Byzantines had more pressing matters & through negligence, Sardinia slowly gained a measure of de facto independence.
The Sardinians repelled frequent raids from Sicily & Africa by Muslim pirates. Such attacks forced them to abandon many of the old ports and cities of the coast, further isolating them from the rest of the Byzantines by making the life-line of communication by sailing weaker.
During the reign of Constantine VII, a raiding party from Tarsus attacked the sleepy village of Herakleos.
The villagers were celebrating Divine Liturgy when they received the grave news.
The village priest, Themel, decided to act. That decision would change his life forever.
As Themel prepared the Holy Mystery a messager burst into the church to announce that Muslim raiders had been spotted marching toward the village.
Themel stopped the liturgy and stormed out of the church at the head of his flock, wearing his priestly vestments and armed with a semantron, a big wooden or iron board to hit as a sort of bell.
If you’ve read Ibrahim you’ll know he isn’t a historian; he’s a polemicist. He uses primary sources to weave a narrative of constant, civilizational conflict between Islam & Christianity.
There is no scrutiny of sources or historiography, these are broad strokes to get the scene set for another chapter in a 1,400 year cage match.
If you are looking for Treadgold or Kaldellis here you won’t find him. Ibrahim understands that the Byzantines after Basil II struggled to adapt to new threats, yet is uninterested in the complex political, social, and material causes.
The Byzantine army was the most multi-ethic force in the pre-modern world.
Mongols, Turks, Africans (Zanj), Saxons, Norse, Rus, Normans, Huns, Alans, Cumans, Pechenegs, Germans, Italians, Georgians, Armenians, Iranians, Albanians, Catalans, and more.
How did they manage it?
Many came as mercenary warrior bands looking for employment. These were enrolled within the military and given regular pay & orders under the watchful eye of Byzantine officers.
This prevented mercenaries from becoming a nuisance & the Byzantines to use them expertly in battle.
Some of these mercenaries settled down with local women, eventually fading into the general population except for the preservation of their surnames and connections to their regiments.