Last week’s historic announcement of a global minimum tax agreement among 136 nations was rightly celebrated as a victory not only for the economy but for democracy.
After 100 years of tax rules that gave multinational capital ample places to hide and evade social responsibilities, the biggest multinational corporations will now be taxed at least partly based on where they actually do business.
That's a sea change that could lead over time to a more just (and democratic) distribution of resources, as @JosephEStiglitz@gabriel_zucman and I wrote @ForeignAffairs (tho read our warnings about the fine print).
But the announcement was also historic and democracy-reinforcing in another, less obvious way.
Some background: Since the Hoover administration, successive administrations have chosen to pass international tax agreements as treaties requiring two-thirds support from the Senate only, rather than as legislation requiring simple majorities in both the House and the Senate.
In an 100 senator chamber, that means that a minority of 34 senators can block treaty action.
But Treasury officials have indicated that they are considering doing away with that arrangement for the international tax deal. finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/…
There are good arguments for requiring tax changes to involve the House. As @rebeccakysar has argued, the Constitution requires it, and arguably trumps the document's treaty language, calling into question 90 years of tax treaty practice. digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/cgi/viewconten…
But this isn’t only a question of constitutional propriety. It’s a fight over whether a tiny minority of the US Senate will have a veto over the Biden administration’s ability to enact “foreign policy for the middle class.” foreignpolicy.com/2021/03/17/bid…
The broader context here is that the US Senate is the developed world’s least representative legislative chamber, and is only slated to get worse, with the discrepancy in power between voters in the smallest to the largest states set to double in coming decades...
America’s “upper chamber” is in desperate need of comprehensive reforms, such as those discussed in our 2019 Roosevelt report Fixing the Senate. rooseveltinstitute.org/publications/f…
But to ensure that future international agreements to help workers & the environment are not hamstrung by 34 senators representing tiny and disproportionately white shares of the population, the bare minimum policymakers can do is pass more agreements by majority vote.
This won't fix everything: the filibuster and even a majority vote in the Senate still skew power to small states.
But it at least puts international tax votes on par with what we've already be doing for decades for trade agreements
It shouldn’t be easier to pass deals encouraging MNCs to offshore working-class jobs than it is to pass deals making sure those companies pay their fair taxes.
In short, the Biden administration deserves credit for working to ensure that its policy agenda not only reinforces democracy through desirable outcomes but democratizes the process as well. rooseveltinstitute.org/2021/10/14/how…
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Report from @rhodium_group: even without a fee on methane emissions, Clean Electricity Performance Program (CEPP), repeal of fossil fuel subsidies, or a carbon tax, the US can meet its climate objectives with rest of 2 packages and aggressive regulation. rhg.com/research/us-cl…
But it will require every branch and level of government to go big, if we are to eliminate the equivalent of a range of four Californias to three Texases by 2030.
The authors do not mince words: "Closing the emissions gap will be one of the most challenging things the US has ever attempted."
One of the best proposals in the current legislative negotiations was Chris Coons' Industrial Finance Corporation - a $500 billion national development bank that could fund decarbonization and reshoring of supply chains. See @yayitsrob here: theatlantic.com/science/archiv…
The proposal would have put the US about even with KfW - the German development bank that @Thomas_Marois has written extensively about.
Though it still would have been only a fraction of China's $2.4 trillion development bank.
Highly recommend @stephenwertheim's newish book, "Tomorrow, the World."
A close look at how FDR outsourced a lot of postwar planning to private business and think tank leaders, who used racist arguments and discourse policing to remake internationalism. hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?is…
It helps solve the puzzle of how we glided from a hemispheric and solidaristic orientation of the Good Neighbor policy in the early FDR years to eventually 800 bases globally. nytimes.com/2009/07/14/opi…
Adds to our understanding of the complexity of the Roosevelt administration. The same admin had folks that engaged in extensive economic planning, and folks that sought to make economic planning more difficult after the war. cambridge.org/core/books/gen…
The US Innovation and Competition Act, which passed the Senate on a bipartisan basis earlier this month, included the Build America, Buy America Act, which significantly tightens Buy American rules. congress.gov/bill/117th-con…
The congressional findings section makes clear the multifaceted reasons why the spending of tax dollars for procurement purposes is unlike spending by private market actors.
The bipartisan agreed definition of "infrastructure" goes beyond the "roads and bridges" definition some in the GOP have insisted on, and included water and broadband.