2. What Marion and I are contributing is a piece on what we call "High Tech Modernism." It will be part of the special issue (which @margaretlevi and I are editing), and we're excited to see it going out into the world (draft is available at dropbox.com/s/3wy36804jhlc… ).
3. The idea behind it is pretty simple, but, we think, useful. James Scott has famously written about the "High Modernism" of the 19th and 20th century - the process of bureaucratic categorization and information collection that reshaped the world and made it "legible."
4. We argue that High Modernist bureaucracy and 21st century machine learning have something specific and fundamental in common. Both are engines for classifying things. Hence, we can think about machine learning and related forms of algorithmic decision making as closely related
5. Machine learning is a kind of "High Tech Modernism," which has crucial features in common with its paper-and-filing-cabinets predecessor. It relentlessly classifies and reclassifies people, things and situations.
6. Equally, there are very important differences. High Modernism imposed pretty crude categories (filing cabinets had their limits) and had to radically remake society (imposing surnames; replacing rookeries with the clean straight lines of boulevards) to make people visible.
7. High Tech Modernism, can apply much more individualized classifications, and change them on the fly (although as @kjhealy has pointed out to us, the old patterns of class and stratification keep on re-emerging in the new more finally tuned images of the world).
8. And it doesn't need wide boulevards to make people visible. Instead, it can capture their behavior from sites like this one, and the ever improving sensors that we all carry about in our pockets, and use to check the weather, call our loved ones, arrange meetings and so on.
9. Perhaps most politically important - the classifications imposed on us and our behavior by machine learning are far less _visible_ than their High Modernist predecessors. We are invisibly shunted into categories that affect our credit, the choices that are offered to us etc.
10. In ways that are woven into our everyday lives, and far harder to identify and mobilize against (when they discriminate against us) than their cruder 19th and 20th century equivalents. There _are_ politics around and against High Tech Modernism - but they are harder.
11. Thinking about machine learning in this way helps perhaps to change some of the technical debates about bias. Bias often can't be readily fixed through better training data, since it is woven into the nearly invisible feedback loop between the category and the categorized.
12. As politics becomes sidelined, people don't have the opportunity to challenge the ways in which they are categorized. That is a problem that avoids simple technical solutions and introduces new and more difficult questions - how do we bring politics back in?
13. Equally, the distinction between High Modernism (which was horrible in its own special ways) and High Tech Modernism potentially allows us to identify what is happening, without romanticizing the recent past.
14. For example, a lot of the fights over Silicon Valley can be understood as a bitter dispute between two rival elites - one, the professional classes of High Modernism, whose power is waning, and the other, a new priesthood, whose might is waxing.
15. There's plenty more that Marion and I could say (and likely will in the webcast conversation) - but that should be enough to give a flavor of our ideas and whether they're of interest. Finis.
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1. There are a lot of people in political science today complaining that John Eastman is speaking at APSA 2021 and suggesting APSA should do something about it. My opinions of Eastman and his memo are exactly what you'd expect given my past writing washingtonpost.com/outlook/a-cyni… But ...
2. The complaints - if they are more than just popcorn throwing, don't seem particularly deeply thought out. I say this as someone who has co-chaired an APSA meeting in the past but has no current role in the organization beyond membership and is speaking purely as an individual.
3. The first point is that APSA-as-an-organization has much less power over who does or does not attend its meetings than people seem to believe. There are some theme panels that the chairs can put together, and other places where there is a little wriggle room ...
1. A thread on this comparison by @michaelbd of Orban's Hungary with De Valera's Ireland nationalreview.com/2021/08/hungar…. As said earlier, I don't think that the comparison works. Here's why- for the huge audience for 20th century Irish history/ 21st century Hungary politics crossovers.
2. Dougherty's argument is that Orban - like De Valera - is the leader of a small country trying to preserve itself in the face of a big hostile world. And that explains much of Orban's strategy and his appeal. There are some things that explains - but much more that it does not.
3. First - as Dougherty says, Orban is genuinely popular, as Dev was. And he could go further. One reason for Dev's success was that he offered a different and more populist conservatism as an alternative to the then frugal "Treasury View" type Cumann na nGaedheal government.
1. A thread, responding to a series of complaints about political science by @BrankoMilan which seem to me to be generally quite wrong-headed. Note before beginning - while I've only the most tenuous personal acquaintance with him, I think his work is very good and use it.
with the suggestion that political scientists were caught "totally flat-footed when Piketty produced a slew of cross-country data showing the transformation of labor parties into the parties of an educated elite."
complaining that political scientists did not seem interested in studying "comparative democracy & voting patterns" outside 20 odd developed countries. Both tweets provoked howls of outrage
1. So this went up yesterday - preposterousuniverse.com/podcast/2021/0… - and I'm very happy with it - @seanmcarroll questions and sense of how the various arguments pulled together meant that I sound far more coherent than I usually feel.
2. As noted in the interview, anything genuinely intelligent-sounding that I said should likely be attributed to the co-authors whom I am leaning on heavily throughout. We discussed work with Cosma Shalizi, with @hugoreasoning and Melissa Schwartzberg, and with Marion Fourcade .
3. Also, by sheer coincidence (the interview took place a couple of months ago), we talked about the main themes of a report by @schneierblog and I that @SNFAgoraJHU published yesterday on the current state of American democracy. It's here - snfagora.jhu.edu/publication/re…
1. Some repercussions from this that may not be obvious to non-academics. This is going to be a very big blow to the University of North Carolina. Universities live in a reputation system - and UNC has just taken a big hit to its credibility.
2. First - the Board has substantially damaged the university's ability to attract good professors. If you are a young professor, and you are lucky enough that you can choose among a couple of tenure track jobs, you are going to be less likely to want to go to to UNC.
3. Why would you want to gamble on the decision of a board of trustees that has to approve your tenure case, and will shoot down candidates because of their politics? It's an additional risk - especially in a country where political controversies can come out of nowhere.
1. Kim Stanley Robinson has just posted his response - this completes the seminar that we've been running on his new book, The Ministry for the Future. crookedtimber.org/2021/05/14/res… . The contributions to the seminar, in order of publication were:
2. The initial organizing post, introducing the seminar, and with links to all the individual posts is here - crookedtimber.org/2021/05/03/the…
3. @OlufemiOTaiwo on the different trajectories of change depicted in the US and India, and what that says about global power and our collective imagination crookedtimber.org/2021/05/03/wha… .