Strategic communication has enormous value, but our knowledge on it is fragmented. How do we distill it all into a general overarching framework?
I spoke to @AbelGustafson about this question for the last two years. Here's what we've come up with... 1/x
First, we developed this framework for *strategic* communication, to be applied to purposeful, specific goals (e.g., increase vaccinations, convince people to take action on climate change, etc.).
This is familiar to our #scicomm#envcomm and many of our other colleagues.
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We go way back and build on Lewin and others by conceptualizing the *driving force* as all the efforts, contexts, and systems that advance a campaign’s goals, and the *restraining force* as all the efforts, contexts, and systems that restrict a campaign’s goals.
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We emphasize the importance of the idea that our strategic goals face competition, whether it be from explicitly oppositional efforts (e.g., fossil fuel corp. misinfo.) or other forces (e.g., structural or psychological barriers).
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This is well understood in research on mis/disinformation. It isn't enough to come up with good messaging (i.e., increase driving forces), but we also need to mitigate the effect of competing messaging and structural barriers (i.e., reduce restraining forces).
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We argue that the driving and restraining forces are each determined by reach, effect, and durability.
-Reach = % of target population reached w/ treatment
-Effect = impact on ppl treated
-Durability = a) how long effect lasts and b) how well it resists restraining forces
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A key innovation of this framework, we argue, is that the relationship btwn reach, effect, and durability is *multiplicative*
If reach, effect, or durability is zero, the whole side of the equation drops to zero regardless of the other inputs.
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One example of this is a treatment that works really well (high effect), but it's really hard to get people the treatment (low reach).
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This multiplicative relationship also yields another important insight: reach, effect, and durability are exchangeable.
You can compensate for a weak effect by having high reach, and you can compensate for low reach if you can generate large and/or durable effects.
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Here's an example with GOTV efforts. Should we knock on doors or phone bank?
We have estimates from excellent work (bit.ly/2XC3MYk) on how effective each tactic is, so that helps estimate how much reach each tactic would need in order to be the preferred one
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If we assume canvassing gets 1 new vote per 14 contacts and phone banking gets 1/35, and the campaign can afford to knock on 100 doors, how many phone calls would one need to make in order for it to be the preferred strategy?
Answer: 250+
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For sure, there will be tons of research questions for which there aren't great (or any) estimates for reach, effect, or durability, or if there are too many unknowns to come up with which factors to consider.
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We still argue that this can serve as a strategic tool for researchers and practitioners for choosing which research questions need answering, understanding the strengths/weaknesses of a campaign, choosing tactics, and more...
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You can find a lot more detail on this in the full paper: psyarxiv.com/5gfyk/
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We describe this as a question of breadth (convince more people) versus depth (convince people to a larger degree).
When we usually compare messages, we compare their overall average effects. Averages miss whether the message effects are driven more by breadth or depth.
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We looked at our entire experimental archive and selected studies that met a range of criteria, namely that several messages were compared and pre- and post-message measurements were taken.
Our latest Climate Change in the American Mind politics report is now out!
Some highlights... 1/x
The biggest takeaway is that many policies currently being considered by Congress have strong support among a large majority of registered voters, including many Republicans.
Strongest support is for tax incentives to make existing buildings more energy efficient (86%)
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We also find that a majority of registered voters would support a president declaring a national emergency to act on global warming.
A while back, our research teams categorized Americans into six distinct groups: Global Warming’s Six Americas
The proportion identified as Alarmed has more than doubled in the past five years.
Are there subsegments WITHIN the Alarmed? Highlights from our new study… 1/x
We segmented the Alarmed based on their reported political and consumer behaviors, their willingness to perform a variety of activism behaviors, and discussion with close others.
We identified three subsegments: the Active, Willing, and Inactive
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The Active are most likely to say they’re already participating in a campaign to convince elected officials to take action, but still few overall.
Majority of the Willing say they would join a campaign, whereas the Inactive are likely to say they’re unsure if they would.
Our latest Climate Change in the American Mind politics report is now out!
Some highlights... 1/x
A large majority of Democrats say GW should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress. Far fewer (but a non-trivial %) Republicans say the same. 2/x
Compared to GW, a much larger proportion of people across the political spectrum say clean energy should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress. 3/x
🚨New report: American Public Responses to COVID-19🚨
Quick THREAD on some highlights on our findings 1/x
By a HUGE margin, Americans prefer to stop the spread of the virus over stopping economic decline 2/x
Most Americans correctly identify true/false statements about COVID-19 (great!), but still an alarming proportion of Americans (22%) do not understand important facts, for example, that the virus can live on some surfaces for days. 3/x