This is a post on the history of Kawempe. It is written in honour of their daughters and sons, who have helped make modern Uganda. #Komamboga 1/
In 1950, Kawempe was declared a township by the County Council of Kyaddondo, passed by the Kabaka and the Lukiiko. The township was created in response to the development of Ugandan & Asian businesses following WWII. 2/
Earlier, in the 1920s, land ownership in Kawempe was debated extensively during the Bataka Trials. Kawempe had been owned by Kanyange, the mother of Kabaka Ssuuna. It then passed to Muganzirwazza. Mailo undermined the claims of royal women. 3/
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For communities in the area, the creation of a township was a trojan horse, designed to destroy Baganda homes & businesses, while privileging Asian economic interests. More broadly, dissenters saw the colonial government’s effort as a means of eating Buganda’s land. 12/
One of the more extensive commentaries was offered by Kateyanira Party (KP) in Gambuze on 17 Feb. 1956. An English summary was produced by colonial intelligence officers (seen here). KP was deeply worried that Asian & European political rights & land tenure laws discriminated 13/
against Ugandans. 14/
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W/ conviction, writers stated: “If you have already sold out the country, we, the owners of it, are going to fight for its return inch by inch until we live no more. We maintain that Kawempe should be developed as Africans’ own land instead of the interests 16/
of multi-racialism. Money should be advanced for the development of that land in the same way as money is advanced to chiefs for purchasing motor cars.” Adding insult to injury, throughout 1957, numerous Kawempe businesses were issued power cuts & safety fines, which 17/
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only fueled growing animosity. Above are two examples from March and December. In 1959, for understandable reasons, then, Kawempe was an important site for the organization of the Uganda National Movement and its boycott. 19/
Four years later, in 1963, all eyes in Uganda were once again on Kawempe, when the wedding of Miria Kalule and Prime Minister Milton Obote was announced. Long may the communities of Kawempe experience peace and prosperity. 20/

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More from @JonathonLEarle

14 Oct
On @Shell & African history writing. Following UG's Indp., there were extensive debates re: a memorial for Kabaka Muteesa I. Companies too capitalized upon such causes. Here, Shell suggested to readers that their work & vision for EA followed Muteesa's call for progress. 1/10
12 Oct. '62: 'Today, of course, everyone knows that [...] near the site of Mutesa's palace, is a beautiful, well-ordered city and the seat of the Government of Uganda. However, the railway does not go everywhere, 2/10
& E. Africans today rely more and more on motor transport. Shell have catered for this need, and their distributive organisation with over 800 outlets is the most comprehensive in East Africa. Shell is best for your car and wherever you go you can be sure of finding Shell.' 3/10
Read 11 tweets
13 Oct
On Friday, I will lead a discussion on histories of land tenure & political violence in Kenya & Ethiopia. To frame the conversation, we will think alongside @NgugiWaThiongo_'s Weep Not, Child & @HaileGerima's Harvest, 3000 Years. Both of these powerful pieces raise 1/ Image
penetrating questions—some similar, others not—re: labour, class & racial exploitation, gender, family debates, resistance, & historical imagination. As @ElleniZeleke reminds us, Gerima's later films, Imperfect Journey & Teza, question revolutionary violence surrounding 1974. 2/ Image
Harvest, by contrast, was produced much earlier: in 1976. It critiques land tenure & labour in Ethiopia while showing how one emerging regime of exploitative power was now replacing one whose genealogy was birthed on the bed of Solomon. 3/ Image
Read 10 tweets
12 Oct
Following Independence, ongoing debates continued in Mbale about the charter of Nakaloke county and Mbale town, which Milton Obote was eyeing as Uganda's future capital. One of the most vocal writers of this time was Samwiri Mulabbi, who "advise[d] every Mugisu 1/9
wherever he or she may be to be quiet as you did when the boundary commission was doing its work." At length, he continued, "I ask all people of Bukedi to be calm about our land problem. [...] All of our trust is within God who created us on this jolly land of Bukedi. 2/9
I know that our independent Uganda is not going to use the British saying which says that disturb and rule." 3/9
Read 10 tweets
11 Oct
On Jopadhola activism. Throughout the late 1950s, organisers articulated their frustrations about the state's economic demands & religious influences in Bunyole, Kisoko, & Tororo. On the one hand, communities were frustrated that the government & some writers in Buganda 1/7
insisted on accruing revenues from the region's cement production. On 20 February 1956, for instance, writers in Dobozi suggested that 'the Buganda Government should share in the revenue derived from Tororo cement [...] 2/7
b/c "it was through the generosity of the Baganda that the British ever went to those parts—in fact they were assigned to them by the Baganda."' On the other hand, writers in Padhola published an editorial in Uganda Empya on 7 June 1956, wondering 'whether the Protectorate 3/7
Read 7 tweets
10 Oct
On Uganda Argus. UG has produced some of the world’s leading journalists. These include, although are not limited to (apologies for omission), @cobbo3 @Opiaiya @JoelSsenyonyi @danielk @fsnakazibwe @AndrewMwenda @kasujja @SamsonKasumba & others. They follow a rich tradition 1/6
of journalistic vitality. There were 8,200 copies of the Uganda Argus in circulation by 1958. Throughout the 1960s it remained Uganda’s leading English press, which meant that its pages constituted a significant site for debate and public management. 2/6
Benedicto Kiwanuka believed that the paper had become a socialist mouthpiece for the UPC by the late 1960s. Ironically, BK had himself been accused earlier by Catholic missionaries of being a Communist sympathizer. To counter the political leanings of the press, Kiwanuka 3/6 Image
Read 7 tweets
8 Oct
Buganda did not declare its Independence on 9 October 1962. It did so on 1 January 1961—and it nearly tore the kingdom apart. It was a decision that provoked outcry throughout the kingdom, and for some in the Lukiiko. I have provided a copy of the 1961 Agreement below. 1/
The new Agreement provoked immediate outcry throughout the kingdom, resulting in hundreds of petitions for the Lukiiko to resign. The petitions were recirculated by @DPSecretariat1 and in the Luganda press. They also began to resurface in Argus. 2/
Godfrey Binaisa and Luyimbazi Zake were among the most vocal critics of the declaration. In one letter to Katikkiro Kintu, they stated: 'We have had ample opportunity to make a careful study of the issues that made the Lukiiko decide upon secession. [...].' The two 'were 3/
Read 22 tweets

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