This strikes me as a good visualization that we misframe things when we talk about STATES decarcerating. It's really certain counties. And it isn't just that it's the big ones (that's ... unavoidable), but DISPROPORTIONATELY the big ones.

And in some states, ONLY the big ones.
Tennessee is a great example of this. Tennessee, as a state, has seen its overall prison population decline since 2009.

But most counties (the blue dots) have MORE total people to prison in 2019 than 2009. The two big urban counties are doing almost ALL the work.
Texas has so many tiny counties that it helps to look at both the state as a whole and just the small counties.

Same general pattern: the big counties are doing all the work, while lots of the smaller ones are getting more punitive both relatively AND absolutely.
Texas often holds itself up as a state-wide success story, and a Red State one at that.

Given denser places tend to be more Democratic, betting when I plot county results against general Democratic vote-share, we'll see that the bluer counties have driven this Red State story.
None of this is to say that state-level reforms are irrelevant. But worth noting that in at least some of the states with the most-touted state-level reforms, it looks like local decisions are really driving the "state" story.
Meant to add: all four of the states in the first tweet were chosen bc their state-level prison pops fell from 2009-2019. They all have that in common.
Oh! This could be even more important. Here are some states that saw net INCREASES from 2009-19.

They look... almost exactly the same as decliners (except NE).

Which means: the diff between rising and falling is often whether urbans shrink fast enough to offset non-urban rises.
In other words, efforts to tell a story about why "Tennessee" saw prison pops shrink while "Washington" saw them rise miss the fact that... trends were pretty similar between them.

Just... netted out differently.
That's obviously a bit of an oversimplification, of course, but... it's getting at something real, too.

Our efforts to explain state differences should probably focus more on why urban counties in TN offset rural counties better than those in WA.

That's a MUCH diff framing.
Adding this other thread here: the politics of the counties:

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More from @JohnFPfaff

4 Nov
A few final thoughts (for now) on what the NCRP says about age.

Decided to compare the picture from 2019 to that from 2009, and... it looks basically the same. Total prison pops are down, but the older pop looks roughly the same.

In fact, worse:
My NCRP sample oversamples declining states, but even in that the total number of elderly people rose.

Over 2009-19, in my 24-state sample over-50s rose ~50K, over-65s ~15K.

Some of this was aging-in-place, as percent-admitted-when-old fell. But most remain older admits.
In fact, of the ~60K people in prison in my sample in 2009 who had been admitted when over 50, only ~7K remained in prison in 2019.

Aging-in-place matters, but older people being admitted is a huge issue.
Read 4 tweets
3 Nov
Interesting picture on older people in prison from the NCRP.

Basic story: for property, drugs, and public order, the older people in prison tend to be ... older admits. Even for homicide, the oldest are increasingly older admits, some seemingly quite old.
This is not an argument in favor of locking up elderly people.

But an important corrective to the conventional wisdom that most people aging in prison are long-serving people admitted when young.

A lot are! But there's a large number who are later-in-life admits.
This is a graph that complicates--doesn't undermine, but complicates--one of the more trusted arguments in reform, one I myself frequently make: that releasing older inmates is low-risk bc people age out of violence.

In general, they do! But some... don't.

Now, to be clear:
Read 6 tweets
3 Nov
The political story:

When I look at county changes over 2009-19 and compare to a rough left-v-right measure, the story is... sometimes just what I'd expect, sometimes not so.

Take TN. It's a simple story: the state decline is driven by Dem counties with big prison populations.
Texas, on the other hand? It's a story of local changes, but in a far more complicated bi-partisan sort of way.

The small GOP counties are fairly split, and while the Dem counties favor declines, not all do... tho as you get solid D, get solid decline.
There are some patterns here, though, it seems like. The most conservative counties are getting harsher. Solid Dem places tend to be solid decliners.

But after that? It's actually a lot messier than I expected.
Read 4 tweets
2 Nov
What I’d give for SCOTUS to stop hiring recent law school generalist grads as clerks and started hiring actual experts for the complex historical, economic, and other policy issues or wrestles with. slate.com/news-and-polit…
There’s nothing in Article III that instructs the justices to hire as clerks twenty-something law graduates with one year’s experience on an appellate court and a penchant for doing well on three-hour issue spotters.

We are free to structure the clerk system however we want.
And I’m deeply unsympathetic to the arg expert clerks somehow undermine adversarialism.

I’m barely sympathetic to it when it comes to trial courts (and, as Amalia Kessler has shown, our courts used feel the same).

But SCOTUS is not a court, so the arg applies even less there.
Read 6 tweets
29 Oct
So NCRP data highlights what I have long feared is a ticking time bomb in current reform efforts: even though over half the ppl in US prisons are there for violence, there has been almost NO change in the numbers in for violence... in fact, all are UP, except for robbery.
The NCRP has data on 20 states whose prison pops dropped from 2009-19; they drove 85% of the national decline.

These are the changes over those states for violent crimes. Homicide, sex, and assault-other all up. There's a net decline, but ONLY due to robbery.
Note that the data only goes to 2019, so can't see what happened during Covid.

But these are the declines in those states for non-violent crimes. The non-violent crimes explain over 98% of the net decline in the states that saw overall declines.
Read 5 tweets
24 Oct
Excellent to see this in Philly’s major newspaper: an at-length attack on pervasive police agency dishonesty and on the need for the media to treat police claims w far more skepticism and to demand accountability when lying is revealed.
Think of this as De-Wolfification and re-PerryMasonification of how we view policing:

Older police shows, like Perry Mason and Matlock, made the defense the hero, thus wariness of the police was a good thing.

The Wolf empire—all the L&Os and Chicago shows—takes a… diff tack.
I think the media is increasingly realizing that the police are not objective narrators of “what happened,” but rather political interest groups themselves, and ones that are facing intense, generational political pressure—and reacting accordingly.
Read 5 tweets

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