So NCRP data highlights what I have long feared is a ticking time bomb in current reform efforts: even though over half the ppl in US prisons are there for violence, there has been almost NO change in the numbers in for violence... in fact, all are UP, except for robbery.
The NCRP has data on 20 states whose prison pops dropped from 2009-19; they drove 85% of the national decline.

These are the changes over those states for violent crimes. Homicide, sex, and assault-other all up. There's a net decline, but ONLY due to robbery.
Note that the data only goes to 2019, so can't see what happened during Covid.

But these are the declines in those states for non-violent crimes. The non-violent crimes explain over 98% of the net decline in the states that saw overall declines.
To many, I'm sure this seems like a feature, not a bug. But prison is an ineffective response to most violence as well.

And what these numbers show is that, a decade into the reform push--even before Covid and 2020 homicide spike--there was little to no movement on violence.
The 2020 homicide spike, of course, makes any sort of discussion along these lines even harder.

But there was a decade to try to reshape the way we talk and think about violence, and it feels like a lot of it was squandered.

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More from @JohnFPfaff

24 Oct
Excellent to see this in Philly’s major newspaper: an at-length attack on pervasive police agency dishonesty and on the need for the media to treat police claims w far more skepticism and to demand accountability when lying is revealed.
Think of this as De-Wolfification and re-PerryMasonification of how we view policing:

Older police shows, like Perry Mason and Matlock, made the defense the hero, thus wariness of the police was a good thing.

The Wolf empire—all the L&Os and Chicago shows—takes a… diff tack.
I think the media is increasingly realizing that the police are not objective narrators of “what happened,” but rather political interest groups themselves, and ones that are facing intense, generational political pressure—and reacting accordingly.
Read 5 tweets
23 Oct
This piece, on how long sentences ignore the voluminous research on how ppl age out of prison, is quite important. But one caveat: one reason the older pop is growing is … bc we lock up a lot of older ppl when they’re older. nytimes.com/2021/10/23/opi…
The BJS report isn’t so detailed for the over-50s as for the over-65s, but for the over 65s, half have served under 10 years… meaning they were admitted in their mid-50s, at the youngest.
I’d also add that over-50s are still just abt 10% of all ppl in prison. They’re great candidates for release, and we should release a lot of them (and surely stop admitting a lot of them).

But releasing all the oldest ppl in prison will still leave us w staggering prison pops.
Read 5 tweets
20 Oct
One part of the 2020 NCVS that deserves attention--and tracks previous years--is to note that (non-lethal) violent victimization rates among whites and Blacks are roughly the same.

Which contradicts the conventional "Black and Black Crime!" type narratives.
It is, of course, inarguably true Blacks are the victims of a grossly disproportionate share of homicides-- abt 50% of the victims per year.

But another good reminder that we should be wary of extrapolating narratives of murder to narratives abt victimization in general.
And for those in the statistical weeds, the BJS--unlike the FBI!--gives us standard errors. Here they are for 2020 for the racial victimization table.
Read 5 tweets
19 Oct
The other issue, always left unaddressed because it is hard to measure and I don’t even know how it turns out, is if advocates had adopted a more mainstream slogan, would we even be talking police funding at all?
Like, had it been called “Redirect Funding to Public Health,” would everyone nodded sagely, said “great idea!” and then done nothing?

We actually have that program/slogan: the Justice Reinvestment Initiative. And it’s done good stuff, but … hasn’t changed the debate, at all.
I’m genuinely, deeply unsure abt the slogan. In an era where we nationalize local races, Lamb and Spannenberger aren’t wrong that a bad local slogan has national implications, and long-run GOP control of Congress will hurt those invoking “defund.”
Read 5 tweets
18 Oct
I know I should just let this go, but sometimes things #onhere get under your skin in a way you need to reply to.

Someone today, who should know better, accused me of unethically being in the “violence denying” camp.

It’s a tedious point, but just need to rebuke it here.
Here I am arguing that it’s hard to compare 2020 to 2019—in OPPOSITION to those who would downplay violence—because the at-risk denominators are different in 2020:
Here I am explicitly pointing out that UCR assault rose, so progressives should stop saying “just murder rose”:
Read 9 tweets
18 Oct
So I deleted my earlier tweet abt shootings being down in the NCVS. I misread the chart, which was about ANY gun use (including displaying it), not just shooting.

Those are, obviously, two different things, and addressing it downthread seemed insufficient.

Still, some thoughts: Image
That gun-involved violence falls in the NCVS is still somewhat surprising, since total gun purchases appear to be way up.

Could reflect something about the NCVS, but it could also tell us something about how those guns were being used that was otherwise not immediately obvious.
There's still some intriguing back of the envelope math:

UCR says ~40% of robberies involve a gun.
NCVS20 has a ~97K drop in robberies.
If 40% holds, that's ~40K fewer armed robberies.
Total gun drop for NCVS20 is 132K.

Still ~80K fewer gun events outside robbery.
Read 6 tweets

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