When I first got involved in climate politics (circa 2005), I feel the view that organised labour was a key environmental actor was, if not quite marginal, then certainly not mainstream. That has definitely shifted in a positive way since. #ClimateAction#COP26
Similarly, in the labour movement, around a decade ago I remember hearing a well-respected trade unionist give a speech in which he denounced climate politics as a middle-class concern, and the climate movement as anti-worker. Much rarer to hear that sort of rhetoric now.
From a distance it seems it’s been commonsensical for most activists to link the cleansing workers’ strike into #COP26 mobilisations in Glasgow. I think that’s a good sign that some form of class politics, however rudimentary, is now much more mainstream in the climate movement.
Translating that into a more developed working-class climate politics, that workers feel confident enough about to take action on the basis of, is still a big challenge and leap, but it does feel like we’ve built some modest but real foundations.
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Even on its own terms, just on a very pragmatic level, what is the strategy here? How does Sunrise DC’s action advance the struggle for Palestinian self-determination a single inch? How does it obstruct Israel’s machinery of oppression?
Beyond that, this statement is a pretty good example of how the “absolute anti-Zionism” that dominates much left thinking about Israel/Palestine has an inevitably antisemitic logic.
Where Marlon describes BDS being “enacted against diaspora Jews”, pro-BDS folks might reply, “well, if you don’t want to be targeted, don’t have any links with Israel, no-one’s forcing you to.” If only things were that simple! [Thread]
If only things were so simple that Jews could just detach Israel, the historical experiences that impelled Zionism, and the idea of Jewish nationhood, from their consciousness and identity. If you want such a “detachment” to take place, that all has to be worked through.
Which is to say nothing of the fact that almost every mainstream institution in Jewish communal life has some link, however notional/diffuse, with something Israeli. A consistent application of a “boycott Israel” approach would mean Jews disengaging from mainstream Jewish life.
As it’s #CableStreet85 tomorrow, and as the CPB/Morning Star has been prominent in commemorations today, worth remembering that, whilst the CP rank and file in the East End played an admirable role, the leadership was only dragged into supporting the counter-mobilisation when…
…local activists told leaders the CP would be “finished” in the East End unless they abandoned plans for their own, party-controlled anti-fascist rally in Trafalgar Square on the same day and backed the local action. (The stamped text reads: “ALTERATION: RALLY TO ADLGATE, 2PM”)
Pretty much every political tendency, even on its own terms, has mistakes in its past. But there should be some reckoning with those mistakes; attempting to boost contemporary credibility on the basis of a misleading revision of the historical record is dishonest and sectarian.
All true, but worth adding: sometimes use of language about fighting, even overthrowing, “the system” (or whatever) isn’t a cynical PR stunt intended to dupe people into supporting a cause that’s really about propping up the status quo… (1/4)
…there are currents which really do want to “fight the system”, but in the name of a worse alternative. So it’s not (just) the left “falling for” deceptive rhetoric, it’s forgetting that our positive alternative - not mere -ve opposition to status quo - has to come first. (2/4)
In the Communist Manifesto, there’s a critique of currents which oppose capitalism in the name of a reactionary alternative. Many of the left’s political failures in past decades are about forgetting that reactionary anti-imperialism and reactionary anti-capitalism… (3/4)
What the debates about when and how Labour should announce policy, and even what the policy should be, invariably leave out is the equally (arguably, more) fundamental question of how the policy is formulated.
Corbyn’s leadership largely left intact the Blairite model of policy production: that it was something cooked up by specialists (SPADs, policy wonks, whoever) in LOTO or Shadow Ministers’ offices, and “announced” to the party and the public simultaneously.
There’d even be policy announcements out of the blue *at conference*, which the left had fought for years to empower. Failing to make a politically sovereign conference the place where policy was debated and agreed (and then acted on!) was a huge missed opportunity.
Disciplining someone for writing this tweet would not only be an affront to free speech, but inimical to the fight against both antisemitism specifically and racism in general. (1/4)
White Jews have been substantially integrated into the constructed category of “whiteness”. That integration is both recent and extremely precarious, but ignoring or denying it helps no-one, and certainly doesn’t aid serious confrontation of antisemitism. (2/4)
I have made a similar point to the one in the tweet, in speech and print, multiple times, as have many other Jews I know - never to diminish antisemitism or downplay the need to confront it, but the opposite. I think people are more ready to complain about a black woman. (3/4)