Took a break about a third of the way through the 1619 book to read some of @WilliamHogeland's Founding Finance to add context to some of the American-on-American disputes, discontent, and direct action around the Political and Social questions in the time period.
I bought the book knowing it would focus on the differences between the republican institutions and the democratic institutions, especially as the Framers and their domestic adversaries saw them. Still, I was delighted to see it directly addressed on page 1: Constitution Framer Edmund Randolph of Virginia quoted in hi
I'm only about 37 pages in rn, but so far I really like how accessibly written it is while still specifically and concisely describing the social relations that existed at the time. I've found writing about this leads me to be a bit denser than I would like.
Specifically, I like how the social relations Hogeland describes float back and forth between feudal and capitalist/modern. It really makes clear that there is no Proclamation line in an economic transition - on one side feudalism, on the other side capitalism/modernity.
This hasn’t been said explicitly, and maybe I’m just picking up on it because I’ve spent the last 5 months looking at these specific things in England, but it really helps establish the contested nature of each social relation for the colonial era, something we generally lack.
Another thing, which hasn’t come up much yet but Hogeland returns to more later, are the comparisons to both Occupy and the Tea Party. For one, it’s important to situate current American acts of protest within their historical contexts. We aren't super different than them.
For another, it’s even more relevant now, given the increased radicalization and militancy of the Tea Party on the one hand and the growing militant solidarity growing out of Occupy on the other. Understanding the historical contexts of both today's movements is necessary.
Neither are purely "modern" expressions of social discontent - they have a long history in this country and have, at times, worked together rather than existed as adversaries. We must understand their fundamentally *American* character and all the questions that entails.
Anyways, I’m excited to keep reading.

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More from @WatTylerRising

24 Nov
Don’t think it’s Trumpism gussied up - it’s another example of liberals recognizing that there’s an emergency that needs to be responded to but that should not - and in fact definitionally cannot - change any of the present social relations.
The basic liberal position here starts with the premise that people cannot live under a perpetual state of emergency, especially one that prevents socializing, etc. i agree with the premise. But the solution liberals present is a return to normalcy - a restoration of order.
They forget that for many people, “normalcy” was already a perpetual state of emergency, and for working class people in the front lines of service and retail industries, a return to normalcy creates another perpetual state of emergency in these industries.
Read 9 tweets
6 Aug
On the Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism and the #GND, or Why I Read Mostly #Medieval History For My Thesis Despite Being an Urban Planner.

A thread:
First the why:

At its root, the Green New Deal is a blueprint for a transition from one mode of production to a new, yet to be defined mode of production. Fossil Capital is in its end stage and what comes next is up to us. Nothing is inevitable; everything is contestable.
My thesis explores how municipal policies can hasten the transition from fossil fuels to renewables, redress specific social deficits from exploitative economic and political policies, and create a just and sustainable future. What policies fundamentally alter social relations?
Read 31 tweets

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