I liked this Rowing/Steering/Anchoring/Equity/Mutiny schema from Holden Karnofsky: cold-takes.com/rowing-steerin…
Some thoughts:

I'd like to see a lot more Steering in public debate, by which I mean more detailing of proposed far futures.

There's an opportunity for philanthropists and grant makers here. Journalism and academia undersupply Steering relative to its importance.
I think there's an obvious one Holden misses: Maintenance.
Sometimes the boat is going in a reasonable direction, or would be, but it's breaking down, or the crew is so poorly organized it can't make decisions, or even row effectively.

Those of us who focus on, say state capacity or democracy would fit here.
I'll take a moment here to plug the @NiskanenCenter's interesting new State Capacity project: niskanencenter.org/state-capacity…
My other critique is Holden frames these as separate and even competing orientations, and confusion between them as a generator of unnecessary disagreement.

That's surely sometimes right. But ideally, it's wrong.
I'd suggest people rarely truly just favor one or the other approach.

Better to think of these as an integrated framework where you should understand the answer to each question for your worldview, and the worldviews you're interested in or arguing with.
So you'd start by answering where you're trying to Steer. Do you even know?

Then: Does Rowing or Mutiny get you closer?

What Maintenance is needed to get there?

What does Equity look like between here and there?

What should you try and Anchor?
But you should read the piece! And this is probably a good place to plug my conversation with Holden from a few months back: nytimes.com/2021/10/05/opi…

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More from @ezraklein

24 Nov
One underplayed advantage for Substack and subscriber-based sites is how clean the reading experience is. A mixture of advertising, sign-up obsession, and recirculation efforts has made so many sites an awful reading experience.
I don't mean to pick on CNBC, as this applies to lots of sites. But I just went to read something there and...
I've been in meetings deciding whether to add some of these widgets to a page. I've asked for some of them!

All of these decisions make sense on their own. Some are financially necessary. But the reading experience degrades quickly as they add up.
Read 6 tweets
8 Nov
I managed to miss most of the horrible Paternity Leave Discourse because, well, I'm on paternity leave until January.

But: Parental leave should be universal, and it should be universally taken. And not just so men can be helpmates to their wives, who're doing the Real Work.
Men should take paternity leave because they should care for their children, and experience the love that grows out of caring for their children.

To miss that is to parent (and live) in grayscale, not color.
I've seen a lot of older men who have no idea how to care for babies. They can't change a diaper, they don't know how to quiet a tantrum. They hold the baby for a minute and pass them back. They want to connect and build a relationship, but they can't. It's a lifelong loss.
Read 11 tweets
12 Oct
Okay, time for some thoughts on "unpopularism," which is the closest I have to a synthesis in this conversation.

In short, the missing piece of popularism is what I’d call agenda control. Agenda control requires controversy. You can’t achieve it if you’re afraid to offend.
The media is attracted to controversy. Controversy requires large or powerful groups to be both opposed ands interested.

Most of the time, that requires some degree of unpopularity in your ideas.
I’m skeptical that polling is that useful a guide to issue popularity, particularly on new issues.

I think it’s more reliable as a guide to which party is favored on broad issue areas, like health care or immigration.
Read 13 tweets
12 Oct
Ross’s column today on @DavidShor and the Democrats’ woes is a good opportunity to talk through two parts of this debate that have been gnawing at me.

One is on Obama. The other is on what might be called Unpopularism. nytimes.com/2021/10/12/opi…
First, on Obama:

The popularist effort to remind people that Obama exerted message discipline in 08 and 12 risks underselling the obvious:

Obama was (and is!) Black, liberal, cosmopolitan and in 08, the anti-war candidate. He was a mobilizer first and foremost.
It's easy to forget now but the context for Obama was Kerry’s loss.

There was endless debate about how Democrats could win back “the Heartland,” how they’d lost touch with real America.

This was the era of fetishizing Brian Schweitzer and his bolo tie. nytimes.com/2006/10/08/mag…
Read 9 tweets
11 Oct
So my basic response to this is I think extended periods of divided government are much worse now than they were in past eras.

If you care about, say, climate action, 10 years of divided government is a disaster.
But you don't even need to get to the really big legislative priorities for it to be a problem.

Can you effectively staff the government and replace court vacancies amidst extended, divided government?

Probably not.
The alarm I raise in the piece is that if you care about the governance outcomes I do, the Democrats' Senate outlook is *very* worrying.

That's different than a party being doomed, and people with different governance views will see this one differently!
Read 4 tweets
10 Oct
I largely agree with this.

The debate over how Dems can win more seats through messaging — whether popularism or viralism or something else — reflect them proving unable to deploy my preferred strategy: Winning more seats through governing.
This was my first feature at the Times. In some ways, the Shor piece reflects an admission that Democrats aren't going to pull this strategy off. nytimes.com/2021/01/21/opi…
But two points of realism:

1. 50 Dems, given Manchin and Sinema, were not enough to pass many of the policies I'd prefer. That's why winning more seats matters.

2. The policy feedback loop is weaker than I'd like to admit. Child Tax Credit didn't drive Biden's numbers up.
Read 5 tweets

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