W/ the passing of Nnamasole Margaret Nagawa Siwoza Muyanja, I express my deepest condolences to @BugandaOfficial. Kitalo nnyo! The Nnamasole was the heir of Nnamasole Sarah Nalule Kisosonkole, the mother of Kabaka Mutebi. 1/
One of the Kabaka's first appearances was at the funeral of his father, during which he was accompanied by the Nnamasole: bit.ly/3ddWAFQ 2/
Much earlier, the army of the Nnamasole had played a key role in the political developments of the 1890s, as the servants of the Nnamasole had for centuries. In his history of Kabaka Mwanga, Apolo Kaggwa recounted that on 'the 20th October Kabaka Chwa sent 3/
out Apolo Kagwa Katikkiro to wage war on the Nubians. Upon departure from the capital, I spent the following night in the Kisalosalo and sent out Yakobo Kago and Bunjo the Katikkiro of the Namasole to advance ahead of the army.' Kagwa's land policies sought to undermine 4/
the authority of Buganda's royal women. Be that as it may, musicians & Baganda historians continued to wrestle with the power of the Namasole in the early twentieth century. This ambiguity was expressed in the following proverb, 'Abakulu n'abakulu tibaleekaana: 5/
singa Nnamasole ayitiriza Mulere; ekigerere we kifulumu kiwakanya kinnaakup.' 6/
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By 1890, Buganda's political & religious revolution was being covered in the southern African press. The Lovedale Institution Press circulated Alexander Mackay's partisan political commentary in the Christian Express. In his closing sentences, 1/4
Mackay accentuated Kabaka Mwanga's request for missionaries, which was likely designed to echo Kabaka Muteesa I's earlier letters in the Daily Telegraph. 2/4
Much earlier, though, I notice that the Sesotho press used the phrase, 'ka baka'. Would anyone who reads/speaks Sesotho mind offering a brief translation of the phrase? It is taken from Leselinyana la Lesutho, first produced in 1864. I believe it only means, 'because.' 3/4
This is a post on the history of Kawempe. It is written in honour of their daughters and sons, who have helped make modern Uganda. #Komamboga 1/
In 1950, Kawempe was declared a township by the County Council of Kyaddondo, passed by the Kabaka and the Lukiiko. The township was created in response to the development of Ugandan & Asian businesses following WWII. 2/
Earlier, in the 1920s, land ownership in Kawempe was debated extensively during the Bataka Trials. Kawempe had been owned by Kanyange, the mother of Kabaka Ssuuna. It then passed to Muganzirwazza. Mailo undermined the claims of royal women. 3/
On @Shell & African history writing. Following UG's Indp., there were extensive debates re: a memorial for Kabaka Muteesa I. Companies too capitalized upon such causes. Here, Shell suggested to readers that their work & vision for EA followed Muteesa's call for progress. 1/10
12 Oct. '62: 'Today, of course, everyone knows that [...] near the site of Mutesa's palace, is a beautiful, well-ordered city and the seat of the Government of Uganda. However, the railway does not go everywhere, 2/10
& E. Africans today rely more and more on motor transport. Shell have catered for this need, and their distributive organisation with over 800 outlets is the most comprehensive in East Africa. Shell is best for your car and wherever you go you can be sure of finding Shell.' 3/10
On Friday, I will lead a discussion on histories of land tenure & political violence in Kenya & Ethiopia. To frame the conversation, we will think alongside @NgugiWaThiongo_'s Weep Not, Child & @HaileGerima's Harvest, 3000 Years. Both of these powerful pieces raise 1/
penetrating questions—some similar, others not—re: labour, class & racial exploitation, gender, family debates, resistance, & historical imagination. As @ElleniZeleke reminds us, Gerima's later films, Imperfect Journey & Teza, question revolutionary violence surrounding 1974. 2/
Harvest, by contrast, was produced much earlier: in 1976. It critiques land tenure & labour in Ethiopia while showing how one emerging regime of exploitative power was now replacing one whose genealogy was birthed on the bed of Solomon. 3/
Following Independence, ongoing debates continued in Mbale about the charter of Nakaloke county and Mbale town, which Milton Obote was eyeing as Uganda's future capital. One of the most vocal writers of this time was Samwiri Mulabbi, who "advise[d] every Mugisu 1/9
wherever he or she may be to be quiet as you did when the boundary commission was doing its work." At length, he continued, "I ask all people of Bukedi to be calm about our land problem. [...] All of our trust is within God who created us on this jolly land of Bukedi. 2/9
I know that our independent Uganda is not going to use the British saying which says that disturb and rule." 3/9
On Jopadhola activism. Throughout the late 1950s, organisers articulated their frustrations about the state's economic demands & religious influences in Bunyole, Kisoko, & Tororo. On the one hand, communities were frustrated that the government & some writers in Buganda 1/7
insisted on accruing revenues from the region's cement production. On 20 February 1956, for instance, writers in Dobozi suggested that 'the Buganda Government should share in the revenue derived from Tororo cement [...] 2/7
b/c "it was through the generosity of the Baganda that the British ever went to those parts—in fact they were assigned to them by the Baganda."' On the other hand, writers in Padhola published an editorial in Uganda Empya on 7 June 1956, wondering 'whether the Protectorate 3/7